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THE JOURNEY OF CORONADO
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THE BUFFALO
t the earliest, picture
ligirized t, G00gk'
Journey of Coronado
1540-1542
from the City of Mexico to the
Grand Canon of the Colorado
and the Buffalo Plains of Texas,
Kansas and Nebraska
As told by himself and his followers
George Parker Winship
MCMXXII
AIUERTON BOOK CO.
New York
am Google
Printed In the United States of Ann
l.g.nzed I:, G<X)gIe
INTRODUCTION
The narratives printed in the present vol-
ume tell the story of one of the most remark-
able explorations recorded in the annals of
American history. Seventy-five years be-
fore the English succeeded in establishing
themselves on the northeastern coast of
North America, a band of Spaniards, start-
ing from what was already a populous and
flourishing colony at the City of Mexico,
penetrated the opposite extreme of the con-
tinent, and explored thoroughly a region as
extensive as die coast line of the United
States from Maine to Georgia.
The accounts of their experiences printed j
herewith were all written by members of the
expedition. With two exceptions they were
written during the journey, and were the
official reports prepared by the general and
sent to the viceroy in Mexico or the emperor-
king in Spain, or by the lieutenants in charge
of special explorations. The first and prin-
cipal narrative was written for the purpose
of providing a history of the expedition, by
one of the common soldiers some time after
his return to Mexico, when he apparently
felt that there was danger that posterity
would forget the deeds of those with whom
],!,r,z«j I:, Google
THE JOURNEY OF CORONADO
he had toiled and Buffered in the Tain search
for something which would reward their
costly undertaking. All that is known of
the author, Pedro Caataneda^beyond what
he relates in this narrative, is that he wa3 a
native of the Biscayan town of Najera in
northern Spain, who had established himself
in the Spanish outpost at Culiacan, in north-
western Mexico, at the time Coronado organ-
ized his expedition, and that he was the
father of eight surviving children, who, with
their mother, presented in 1554 a claim
against the Mexican treasury, on account of
the father's exploits. The Spanish text of
Castaneda's history is preserved in the Lenox
Library, now absorbed into the New York
Public Library. It is printed, together with
the translations reprinted herewith, in the
Fourteenth Annual Report of the United
States Bureau of Ethnology, Washington,
D. C, 1896, a volume which has long been
out of print. In the present book many
passages in these translations have been re-
vised and corrected. The editor is under
obligations to Mr. F. W. Hodge of the
Smithsonian Institution, Mr. W. M. Tipton
of Santa F^, Mr. Charles F. Lummis of Los
Angeles, and Mr. Bipley Hitchcock and Mr.
F. S. Dellenbaugh of New York, for sugges-
tions and assistance in regard to these im-
provements in the text.
In February, 1540, the army whose for-
tunes are recounted in these narratives as-
sembled at Compostela, on the Pacific coast
west of Mexico city. When it passed in
sit, Google
INTRODTJCTIOH
review before the viceroy Mendoza, who had
provided the funds and equipment, the gen-
eral in command, Francisco Vazquez Corona-
do, rode at the head of some two hundred
and fifty horsemen and seventy Spanish foot
soldiers armed with crossbows and harque-
buses. Besides these there were three hun-
dred or more native allies, and upward of a
thousand negro and Indian servants and fol-
lowers, to lead the spare horses, drive the
pack mules, carry the extra luggage, and
herd the droves of oxen and cows, sheep and
swine.
The expedition started on February 23d,
and a month later, on Easter day, it entered
Culiacan, then the northwestern out-post
of European civilization, half way up the
mainland coast of the Gulf of California.
Here Coronado reorganized his force and,
toward the end of April, he started north-
ward into the unknown country with a
picked force of two hundred men equipped
for rapid marching, leaving the rest to follow
at the slower pace of the pack trains and the
four-footed food supplies. Following the
river courses up stream, the advance party
was soon deep in the mountains. For two
loog months they persistently pushed ahead,
the inhospitable country steadily growing
worse. Eventually other streams showed
them the way out on to a level district
crossed by well-worn trails which led them
toward the "Seven Cities of Cibola." These
were the goal of whose fame they had heard
from the Franciscan friar, Marcos of Nice,
-.Google
THE JOURNEY OP CORONADO
who had viewed them from a distant hill-
top two years previously, and who now ac-*
oompanied the expedition as guide and chap-j
It was perhaps on July 4th, 1540, that
Coronado drew up his force in front of the
first of the "Seven Cities," and after a sharp
fight forced his way into the stronghold, th*
stone and adobe-built pueblo of Hawikuh,
whose ruins can still be traced on a low hil-
lock a few miles southwest of the village
now occupied by the New Mexican Zufii
Indians. Here the Europeans camped for
several weeks, seeking rest, refreshment, and
news of the land. A small party was sent
off toward the northwest, where another
group of seven villages was found in the
region still occupied by the descendants of
the people whom the Spaniards visited, the
Moqui tribes of Tusayan. As a result of
the information secured here, another party
journeyed westward until its progress was
stopped by the Grand Carton of the Colorado,
then seen for the first time by Europeans.
Explorations were also made toward the east,
where the river villages along the Bio Grande
were found to be larger and better stocked
with food supplies than the settlements at
Cibola-Zufii. Coronado therefore moved his '
headquarters to the largest of these river
towns, Tiguex, near the modern Bernalillo, a
short distance north of Albuquerque. Here,
as the winter of 1540-41 was setting in, he
was rejoined by the main body of the army,
which had laboriously followed the trail of
., .Google
INTRODUCTION
its general through the mountains and across
the desert.
In one of the river villages Coronado
found an Indian slave who said he was a
native of Quivira, which he described as a
rich, and populous place far away in the east.
Acting upon this information, with the In-
dian as a guide, Coronado started on April
23d, 1541, with bis whole army to march to
Quivira. From Cieuye or Pecos, whose
rains can still be seen by the traveller from
the Atchison, Topeka and Santa ¥6 trains,
the guide seems to have led the white men
down the Pecos Biver until they were out of
the mountains, and on to the vast plains
where they soon met the countless herds
of bison or "humpbacked oxen." For
five weeks the Europeans plodded onward
across what is now known as the " Staked
Plains," following a generally easterly direc-
tion.
They had probably crossed the upper
branches of the Colorado Biver of Texas and
reached the headwaters of the Nueces, when
Coronado became convinced that his guide
was endeavoring to lose hi™ in this limitless
expanse of rolling prairie. The food supplies
were beginning to ran low, and so the army
was ordered to return to the villages on the
Bio Grande. Some of the natives of the
plains, met with on the march, had answered
the questions about Quivira by pointing to-
ward the north. That no chance might be
left untried, the general selected thirty of
the freshest and best-mounted of his men to
gmzed t, GoOglt!
THE JOURNEY OP CORONADO
accompany him in a search in that direction.
For forty-two days they followed the compass
needle, whose variation probably took them
about three degrees west of a true northward
course. At last their guides told them that
they had reached Quivira, when they were
not far from Great Bend on the Arkansas
Eiver, whose course they had followed from
the neighborhood of Dodge City. It was a
village of Wichita Indian tepees.
Coronado spent a month in exploring the
surrounding country, moving his camp to a
larger village further north, and sending out
messengers and reconnoitering parties in all
directions. Having assured himself that
there was nothing to reward his search, he
returned to the main body of his army, the
Quiviran guides leading him by a much
shorter route, along the line of the famous
Santa Y6 trail, to the Bio Grande. Every
clew which promised anything of value to
the Spaniards had been followed to its ut-
most, without revealing anything which
they desired. In the spring of 1542 Coro-
nado started back with his men to Cibola-
Zuiii, through the rough mountain passages
to the Gulf of California, and so on down to
the city of Mexico, where he arrived in the
early autumn, "very sad and very weary,
completely worn out and shame-faced." He
had failed to find any of the things for which
he went in search. But he had added to the
world as known to Europeans an extent of
country bounded on the west by the Colorado-
Eiver from its mouth to the Grand Canon,
...Google
INTRODUCTION
on the east by the boundless prairies, and
stretching northward to the upper waters of
the Bio Grande and the southern boundary
of Nebraska.
Geokge Pabkeb Wmsmp.
Explorations.
(Btw the use, of this outline map and alto the frontispiece
the publishers are indebted to the cimrtuu of Messrs. Qinn
<t Co., publishers of "The Louisiana Purchase and the
Early History, Exploration and Bunding of the West." by
an, Google
d« Google
CONTENTS
MM
imODCOIRW, ....... T
Ithkbaby or thr Cobosado BxnmTtom,
1B27-1H7, Jud
Thahblatioh or thb NiHOATivie or Casta-
SbdjL Aooohkt or thb Expedition to
Cibola mnoH Took Place in thb Tbab
164% in Which All Thou Sbttijs-
lowers, Thkdi Cebbmohibs and Cm-
tomes, abb Dsscxibed. Written sx
Pkdbq db CabtaSsda, or Najbha, . jcxtB
Pumcx, xxix
FIRST PART
Chapter L Treats of the waj we first came to
know about the Seven Cities, and of now
Nufio de Guzman made an expedition to
discover them, 1
Chapter IT. Of how Francisco Vazquez Coro-
nado came to be governor, and the second
account which Cabesa de Vaca gave, . 4
Chapter m. Of how they killed the negro
Stephen at Cibola, and Friar Marcos re-
turned in flight, ft
Chapter IT. Of how the noble Don Antonio de
Mendoza made an expedition to discover
Cibola, 8
Chapter T. Concerning the captains who went
to Cibola, 11
Xtti
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fin
Chapter VI. Of how all the companies col-
lected in Compostela and setoff on the jour-
ney in good order, 18
Chapter VTI. Of how the army reached Chta-
metla, and the killing of the army-master,
and the other things that happened up to
the arrival at Culiacan, . , . .18
Chapter VI II. Of how the army entered the
town of Culiacan and the reception it re-
ceived, and other things which happened
before the departure, IS
Chapter IX. Of how the army started from
Culiacan and the arrival of the general at
Cibola and of the army at Sefiora and of
other things that happened, . , .81
Chapter X. — Of how the army started from the
town of Sefiora, leaving it inhabited, and
how it reached Cibola, and of what hap-
pened to Captain Helchlor Diaz on Ms ex-
pedition in search of the ships and how he
discovered the Tison (Firebrand) river, . 96
Chapter XX How Don Pedro de Tovar discov-
ered Tusayan or Tutahaco and Don Garcia
Lopez de Cardenas saw the Firebrand river
and the other things that had happened, . 89
Chapter XII. Of how people came from Cicuye
to Cibola to see the Christians, and how
Hernando de Alvarado went to see the
cows, 8T
Chapter XIII. Of how the general went tow-
ard Tutahaco with a few men and left the
army with Don Tristan, who took it to
Tlguex 43
Chapter XIV. Of how the army went from
Cibola to Tigues and what happened to
them on the way, on account of tbe snow, , 44.
...Google
CONTENTS
Pisa
Chapter XV. Of why Tiguex revolted, and
how they were punished, without being to
blame for it 47
Chapter XVI. Of how they besieged Tiguex
and took it and of what happened during
the siege 82
Chapter XVII. Of how messengers reached the
army from the valley of BeBora and how
Captain Melchior Diaz died on the expedi-
tion to the Firebrand river, . . .68
Chapter XVHL Of how the general managed
to leave the country in peace so as to go In
search of Quivira, where the Turk Bald
there was the most wealth, . .61
Chapter XIX. Of how they started in search of
Quivira and of what happened on the way, 64
Chapter XX. Of how great stones fell in the
camp, and how they discovered another
ravine, where the army was divided into
two parts, tw
Chapter XXI. Of how the army returned to
Tiguex and the general reached Quivira, . 78
Chapter x\i < Of how the general returned
from Quivira and of other expeditions
toward the North, 77
SECOND PART
Which Treats of the High Villages akd
Provinces and or their Habits and
Customs, as Collected by Peuro de
CastaAeda, Native of the City or
Najara, 63
, Chapter I. Of the province of Culiacan and of
Its habits and customs 64
-.Google
CONTENTS
not
Chapter IL Of the province of Petlatlan and
all the Inhabited country as far at Chlchil-
tlcalll, 87
Chapter DX Of ChichJltlcalli and the desert,
of Cibola, its customs and habits, and of
other things 90
Chapter IV. Of how they live atTiguox, and
of the province of Tiguoi and its neighbor-
hood, M
Chapter V. Of Cicuye and the Tillages in Its
neighborhood, and of how some people
came to conquer this country, . . . 103
Chapter VL Which gives the number of Til-
lages which were seen in the country of the
terraced houses, and their population, , 100
Ohapter VII. Which treats of the plains that
were crossed, of the cows, and of the peo-
ple who inhabit them, .... 100
Chapter VTH Of Quivira, of where It to and
some information about It, . . . . 118
third part
Which Descbibes What Happened to
Francisco Vazquez Coronado During
the Winter, and How He Gave op
thb Expedition Asa Return kd to New
SPAnr, 117
Chapter I. Of how Don Pedro de Tovar came
from Sefiora with some men, and Don. Gar-
cia Lopez de Cardenas started back to New
Spain 117
Chapter II. Of the general's fall, and of how
the return to New Spain was ordered, . 110
Chapter III. Of the rebellion at Buya and the
reasons the settlers gave for It, . . . 128
xvi
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Chapter IV. Of how Friar Juan do Padllta and
Friar Lais remained In the country and the
army prepared to return to Mexico, . . 1
Chapter V. Of how the army left the settle-
ments and marched to Cunacan, and of
what happened on the way, , . 1
Chapter VL Of how the general started from
Culiacan to give the viceroy an account of
the army with which he had been In-
trusted, t
Chapter VII. Of the adventures of Captain
Juan Gallego while he waa bringing re-
enforcements through the revolted conn-
try, t
Chapter VHI. Which describes some remark-
able things that were seen on the plains,
with a description of the bulb, . . t
Chapter IX. Which treats of the direction
which the army took and of how another
more direct way might be found, if anyone
was to return to that country, . . . I
Tranbt. ation op the Letter fbom Hbndoza
"fro this Euro, Aran, 17, 1640, . . 1
Translation of the Letter from Coronado
to Mbndoza, August 8, 1640. Thk Ac-
count GrvBN by Fbascteco Vazquez
de Coronado, Captain-General of the
fobcb which was sknt in the name
or Hib Majesty to thk Newly Dis-
covkrrd Couhtby, or What Happened
to thk Expedition after April 23 or
the Yeab MDXL, when He Btaeted
forward fbom coxiaoan, and of what
He Found, in the Country through
Which He Passed, 1
ZTil
prized t, GoOglt!
I. Francisco Vazquez starts from Culiacan with
his army, and after Buffering various Incon-
veniences on account of the badness of the
way, reaches the Valley of Hearts, where
he failed to find any corn, to procure which
he sends to the valley called Sefiora. He
receives an account of the important Valley
of Hearts and of the people there, and of
some lands lying along that coast, . . 159
II They come to Chichiltlcale ; after having
taken two days' rest, they enter a country
containing very little food and hard to
travel for 80 leagues, beyond which the
country becomes pleasant, and there is a
river called the River of the Flax (del
Lino) ; they fight against the Indiana, being
attacked by these ; and having by their vic-
tory secured the city, they relieve them-
selves of the pangs of their hunger, . . 164
117. Of the situation and condition of the Seven
Cities called the kingdom of Cevola, and
the sort of people and their customs, and
of the animals which are found there, . 178
IV. Of the nature and situation of the king-
doms of Totonteac, Harata, and Acus,
wholly different from the account of Friar
Marcos. The conference which they had
with the Indiana of the city of Granada,
which they had captured, who had been
forewarned of the coming of Christians into
their country fifty years before. The ac-
count which was obtained from them con-
cerning seven other cities, of which Tucano
b the chief, and how he sent to discover
them. A present sent to Hendoza of vari-
ous things found In this country by Vaz-
quez Coronado, 177
xvtil
ligirized I:, G00gk'
TSANSLATION 0* THE TrASLADO BE LU
Noevab, 188
Copy of the Reports and Descriptions that
Have Bees Received Regarding the Discov-
ery of a City which is called Cibola, Situ-
ated In the New Country 18ft
This is the Latest Account of Cibola, and of
More than Pour Hundred Leagues Beyond, 190
Translation of the Relacion del Socebo, 197
Account of what Happened on the Journey
which Francisco Vazquez Hade to Discover
Cibola, 197
Translation or a Letter fbom Corosado
to the Eras, October 20, 1541, . . SIS
Letters from Francisco Vazquez Coronado to
HIb Majesty, in which he gives an Ac-
count of the Discovery of the Province of
Tiguex, 318
Tbanblaiton or the Narrative or Jara-
MU.LO, ....... 333
Account Given by Captain Juan Jaramillo of
the Journey which he made to the New
Country, on which Francisco Vazquez Cor-
onado was the General 229
Translation of the Report of Hernando
de Alvarado, 341
Account of what Hernando de Alvarado and
Friar Juan de Padilla Discovered Going in
Search of the South Sea, . . . .341
Testimony Concerning Those Who went
OK THE Expedition WITH FRANCISCO
Vazquez Coronado 34S
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d« Google
ITrtiJffiKAllY OF THE COBONADO
EXPEDITIONS, 1527-1547
Aran, IS Narvaea lands In Florida.
Ban'. 32 Tbe failure of the Narvaea expedition
Is assured.
Cortes makes a settlement in Lower
California.
i Mendoza come* to Mexico aa viceroy of
Hew Spain.
1080
April Cabeza de Yaca and three other sur-
vivors of the Narvaea expedition ar-
rive in New Spain.
The Licentiate de la Torre takes the
reeldencia of Nufio de Guzman, who
is imprisoned until June 80, 1688.
1537
Franciscan friars labor among the In*
dian tribes living north of New Spain.
Ooronado subdues the revolted miners
of Amatepeque.
The proposed expedition under Dorantea
comes to naught.
Aran. 20 De Soto receives a grant of the main-
land of Florida,
xxf
an, Google
ITINERARY OP THE EXPEDITIONS
March 7 Friar Marcos de Niza, accompanied by
the negro Estevan, starts from Culia-
can to find the Seven Cities.
APRIL 18 The appointment of Coronado as gov-
ernor of New Galicia is confirmed.
May De Soto sails from Habana.
Mat 9 Friar Marcos enters the wilderness of
Arizona.
Mat 21 Friar Marcos learns of the death of
Estevan.
Mat 25 De Soto lands on the coast of Florida.
Jult 8 Ulloa sails from Aeapulco nearly to the
head of the Gulf of California in com-
mand of a fleet furnished by Cortes.
August Friar Marcos returns from the north and
Sept. 2 certifies to the truth of his report be-
fore Mendoza and Coronado.
October The news of Niza's discoveries spreads
through New Spain.
Not. • Mendoza begins to prepare for an expe-
dition to conquer the Seven Cities of
Cibola.
Melchior Diaz is sent to verify the re-
ports of Friar Marcos. ,
De Soto finds the remains of the camp
of Narvaez at Bahia de los Cavallos.
Nov. 13 Witnesses in Habana describe the effect
of the friar's reports.
1540
Jab. 1 * Mendoza celebrates the new year at
Pasquaro.
Jan. 9 Coronado at Guadalajara.
Feb. S Cortes stops at Habana on his way to
Spain.
Feb. \The members of the Cibola expedition
TXil
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ITINERARY OF THE EXPEDITIONS
assemble at Compostela, where the
viceroy finds them on his arrival.
Feb. 22. Review of the army on Sunday.
Feb. 23. The army, under the command of Fran-
cisco Vazquez Coronado, starts for
Cibola (not ou February 1).
Feb. 26. i Mendoza returns to Compostela, hav-
ing left the army two days before,
and examines witnesses to discover
how many citizens of New Spain have
accompanied Coronado. He writes a
letter to King Charles V, which has
been lost.
March The army is delayed by the cattle in
crossing the rivers.
The death of the army master, Saman-
iego, at Chiametla.
Return of Melchior Diaz and Juan de
Saldivar from Chichilticalli.
Habch 8 Beginning of litigation in Spain over
the right to explore and conquer the
Cibola country.
Habch 28 Reception to the army at Culiacan, on
Easter day.
April The army is entertained by the citizens
of Culiacan.
} Meudoza receives the report of Melchior
Diaz' exploration, perhaps at Jaoona.
I Coronado writes to Mendoza, giving an
account of what has already hap-
pened, and of the arrangements which
he has made for the rest of the journey.
This letter has been lost. '
April 17 | Mendoza writes to the Emperor
Charles V.
April 22 Coronado departs from Culiacan with
about seventy -five horsemen and a few
footmen.
April Coronado passes through Fetatlan,
Mat Cinaloa, Los Cedros, Yaquemi, and
other places mentioned by Jaramillo.
Mat 9 Alarcon sails from Acapulco to coop-
erate with Coronado. The army starts
from Culiacan and marches toward
the Corazones or Hearts valley.
May 26 Coronado leaves the valley of Corazones.
Jure He proceeds to Chichilticalli, passing
iiiii
ligirized I:, G00gk'
{ITINERARY OF THE EXPEDITIONS
Senom or Bonon and Ispa, and thence
crosses the Arizona wilderness, ford-
ing many rivers.
The army builds the town of San Hle-
ronimo In Corazones valley.
Jut.t 7 Ooronado reaches Cibola and captures
the first city , the pueblo of Hawikuh,
which he calls Granada.
July 11 The Indians retire to their stronghold
on Thunder mountain.
July 15 Pedro de Tovar goes to Tusayaa or
Moid, returning within thirty days.
July 19 Coronado goes to Thunder mountain
and returns the same day.
Ana. 3 | Ooronado writes to Hendoza. He sends
Juan Gallego to Mexico, and Meichlor
Diaz to Comzones with orders for the
army. Friar Marcos accompanies
Ana. 30 (I) Lopez de Cardenas starts to find the
canyons of Colorado river, and Is gone
about eighty days.
Aoo. 29 Alarcon enters the mouth of Colorado
river.
Auo. 39 Hernando de Alvarado goes eastward
to Tiguex, on the Rio Grande, and to
the buffalo plains .
Pedro de Alvarado arrives In New
San. 7 Hernando de Alvarado reaches Tiguex.
Diaz and Gallego reach Corazones about
the middle of September, and the
' army starts for Cibola.
Coronado visits Tutahaco.
Sept. to The army reaches Cibola, and goes
Jaotuby thence to Tiguex for its winter quar-
ters. The natives In the Rio Grande
Quivira.
Diaz starts from Corazones before the
end of September, with twenty -five
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ITINERARY OP THE EXPEDITIONS
Not. 29 t Mendoza and Pedro de Alvnrado sign
an agreement In regard to common ex-
ploration and conquests.
1041
Jut. 8 Diaz dies on the return from the mouth
of the Colorado, and his companions
return to CorsEOnes valley.
Mabch Alcar&z, during the spring, moves the
village of San Hieronlmo from Cora-
zones Taller to the Taller of Suva
Aran. 20 Beginning of the Mil ton war In New
Galicia.
Ooronado writes a letter to the King
from Tiguex, which has been lost
Tovar and perhaps Gallego return to
Mexico.
Awl 38 Ooronado starts with all his force from "•
Tiguex to cross the buffalo plains to
Quirlra.
Mat The army is divided somewhere on the
great plains, perhaps on Canadian
river. The main body returns to
Tiguex, arriving there by the middle
or last of June.
De Soto crosses the Mississippi.
Jtrmt Ooronado, with thirty horsemen, rides
north to Quivira, where he arrives
forty-two (?) days later.
Jmrsj 34 Pedro de Alvarado is killed at Nochla-
tlan, In New Galicia.
AustrsT Ooronado spends about twenty -five days
in the country of Quivira, leaving
"the middle or last of August. "
8m 38 The Indians in New Galicia attack the
town of Guadalajara, but are re-
Oct. 2 Coronado returns from Quivira to Ti-
guex and writes a letter to the King.
Not. Cardenas starts to return to Mexico with
some other invalids from the army.
He finds the village of Sura in ruins
and hastily returns to Tiguex.
Ooronado falls from his horse and is
seriously injured.
ligirized I:, G00gk'
ITINERARY OF THE EXPEDITIONS
The Hliton peficl la surrendered by the
revolted Indians during holiday week.
1043
Coronado and his soldiers determine to
return to New Spain. They start in
the spring, and reach Mexico probably
late in the autumn. The general
makes his report to the viceroy, who
receives him coldly. Coronado not
long after resigns his position as gov-
ernor of New Gallcia and retires to his
estates.
■an. 17 De Soto reaches the mouth of Red river,
where he dies, Hay 31.
m 27 Cabrillo starts on his voyage up the
California coast. He dies In January,
1648, and the vessels return to New
Spain by April, 1544.
tv. 1 Villalobos starts across the Pacific. Els
fleet meets with many misfortunes
and losses. The survivors, five years
or more later, return to Spain.
>v, 35 Friar Juan de la Cruz is killed at 11-
guez, where he remained when the
army departed for New Spain. Friar
Luis also remained In the new coun-
try, at Cicuye, and Friar Juan de
Padilla, at Quivira, where he is killed.
The companions of Friar Juan de Pa-
dilla make their way back to Mexico,
arriving before 1 652.
1644
iv. 80 Promulgation of the New Laws for
1847
VHendoza, before he leaves New Spain
to become viceroy of Peru, answers
the charges preferred against him by
the officials appointed to investigate
bis administration.
xx vi
am Google
TRANSLATION OF THE NARRATIVE OF
CASTANEDA
Aeeeunt of the expedition to Cibola which took place
in the year 1540, in which all thou eettlemente, their
teremonie* and euttcmei, are described. Written by
Ptdro de Gattaneda, o/Najera.
am Google
d« Google
PREFACE
To me it seems vory certain, my very
noble lord, that it is a worthy ambition for
great men to desire to know and wish to
preserve for posterity correct information
concerning the things that have happened
in distant parts, about which little is known.
I do not blame those inquisitive persons
who, perchance with good intentions, have
many times troubled me not a little with
their requests that I clear up for them some
doubts which they have had about different
tilings that have been commonly related con-
cerning the events and occurrences that took
place during the expedition to Cibola, or the .
New Land, which the good viceroy — may he
be with God in His glory ' — Don Antonio
de Mendoza, ordered and arranged, and on
which he sent Francisco Vazquez de Corona-
do as captain-general.
In truth, they have reason for wishing to
know the truth, because most people very
often make things of which they have heard,
and about which they have perchance no
knowledge, appear either greater or less than
they are. They make nothing of those
1 Mendoza died in Lima, July SI, 1552.
Mil
],!,r,z«j I:, Google
PREFACE
things that amount to something, and those
that do not they make so remarkable that
they appear to be something impossible to
believe. This may very well have been
caused by the fact that, as that country was
not permanently occupied, there has not been
anyone who was willing to spend his time in
writing about its peculiarities, because all
knowledge was lost of that which it was not
the pleasure of God — He alone knows the
reason — that they should enjoy.
In truth, he who wishes to employ him-
self thus in writing out the things that hap-
pened on the expedition, and the things that
were seen in those lands, and the ceremonies
and customs of the natives, will have matter
enough to test his judgment, and I believe
that the result can not fail to be an account
which, describing only the truth, will be so
remarkable that it will seem incredible.
And besides, I think that the twenty
years and more since that expedition took
place have been the cause of some stories
which are related. For example, some make
it an uninhabitable country, others have it
bordering on Florida, and still others on
Greater India, which does not appear to be
a Blight difference. They are unable to give
any basis upon which to found their state-
ments. There are those who tell about
some very peculiar animals, who are contra-
dicted by others who were on the expe-
dition, declaring that there was nothing of
the sort seen. Others differ aa to the limits
ligirized I:, G00gk'
PREFACE
of the provinces and even in regard to the
ceremonies and customs, attributing what
pertains to one people to others. All this
has had a large part, my very noble lord,
in making me wish to give now, although
somewhat late, a short general account for
all those who pride themselves on this noble
curiosity, and to save myself the time taken
up by these solicitations. Things enough
will certainly be found here which are hard
to believe. All or the most of these were
seen with my own eyes, and the rest is from
reliable information obtained by inquiry of
the natives themselves.
Understanding as I do that this little
work would be nothing in itself, lacking au-
thority, unless it were favored and protected
by a person whose authority would protect
it from the boldness of those who, without
reverence, give their murmuring tongues
liberty, and knowing as I do how great are
the obligations under which I have always
been, and am, to your grace, I humbly beg
to submit this little work to your protection.
May it be received as from a faithful retainer
and servant.
It will be divided into three parts, that
it may be better understood. The first will
tell of the discovery and the armament or
army that was made ready, and of the whole
journey, with the captains who were there;
the second, of the villages and provinces
which were found, and their limits, and
ceremonies and customs, the animals, fruits,
zzzl
ligirized I:, G00gk
PREFACE
and vegetation, and in what parte of tha
country these are ; the third, of the return
of the army and the reasons for abandoning
the country, although these were insufficient,
because this is the best place there is for dis-
coveries — the marrow of the land in thews
western parts, as will be seen. And after
this has been made plain, some remarkable
things which were seen will be described at '
the end, and the way by which one might
more easily return to discover that better .
land which we did not see, since it would be
no small advantage to enter the country
through the land which the Marquis of the
Valley, Don Fernando Cortes, went in search
of under the Western star, and which cost
biT" no small sea armament.
May it please our Lord to so favor me
that with my slight knowledge and small
abilities I may be able by relating the truth
to make my little work pleasing to the
learned and wise readers, when it has been
accepted by your grace. For my intention
is not to gain the fame of a good composer
or rhetorician, but I desire to give a faithful
account and to do this slight service to your
grace, who will, I hope, receive it as from a
faithful servant and soldier, who took part
in it. Although not in a polished style, I
write that which happened — that which I
heard, experienced, saw, and did.
I always notice, and it is a fact, that for
the most part when we have something
valuable in our hands, and deal with it
sit, Google
d« Google
.Google
PREPACK
without hindrance, we do not value or prize
it as highly as if we understood how much
we would miss it after we had lost it, and
the longer we continue to have it the leas
we value it ; but after we have lost it and
miss the advantages of it, we have a great
pain in the heart, and we are all the time
imagining and trying to find ways and
means by which to get it back again. It
seems to me that this has happened to all
or most of those who went on the expedition
which, in the year of our Savior JeBus
Christ 1540, Francisco Vazquez Coronado
led in search of the Seven Cities.
Granted that they did not find the riches
of which they had been told, they found a
place in which to search for them and the
beginning of a good country to settle in, so
as to go on farther from there. Since they
came back from the country which they con-
quered and abandoned, time has given them
a chance to understand the direction and
locality in which they were, and the borders
of the good country they had in their hands,
and their hearts weep for having lost so fa-
vorable an opportunity. Just as men see
more at the bull fight when they are upon
the seats than when they are around in the
ring, now when they know and understand
the direction and situation in which they
were, and see, indeed, that they can not en-
joy it nor recover it, now when it is too late
they enjoy telling about what they saw, and
even of what they realize that they lost,
xxxiil
],!,r,z«j I:, Google
especially those who are now as poor as
when they went there. They have never
ceased their labors and have spent their time
to no advantage. I say this because I have
known several of those who came back from
there who amuse themselves now by talking
of how it would be to go back and proceed
to recover that which is lost, while others
enjoy trying to find the reason why it was
discovered at all. And now I will proceed
to relate all that happened from the begin*
ning.
sit, Google
THE JOURNEY OP CORONADO
FIEST PART
Treats of the way we first came to know about
the Seven Cities, and of how NuBo de Guzman
made an expedition to discover them.
In the year 1530 NuKo de Guzman, who
waa President of New Spain, 1 had in hia pos-
session an Indian, a native of the valley or
valleys of Oxitipar, who was called Tejo hy
the Spaniards. This Indian said he was the
Bon of a trader who was dead, but that when
he was a little boy his father had gone into
the hack country with fine feathers to trade
for ornaments, and that when he came back
he brought a large amount of gold and silver,
of which there is a good deal in that coun-
try. He went with him once or twice, and
saw some very large villages, which he com-
pared to Mexico and its environs. He had
Been seven very large towns which had streets
of silver workers. It took forty days to go
ligirized I:, G00gk'
THE JOURNEY OP CORONADO
there from his country, through a wilderness
in which nothing grew, except some very
small plants about a span high. The way
they went was up through the country be-
tween the two seas, following the northern
direction. Acting on this information, Nuflo
do Guzman got together nearly 400 Span-
iards and 20,000 friendly Indians of New
Spain, and, as he happened to be in Mexico,
he crossed Tarasca, which is in the province
of Michoacan, so as to get into the region
which the Indian said was to be crossed
toward the North sea, in this way getting to
the country which they were looking for,
which was already named " The Seven Cities."
He thought, from the forty days of which
the Tejo had spoken, that it would be found
to be about 200 leagues, and that they would
easily be able to cross the country.
Omitting several things that occurred on
this journey, as soon as they had reached
the province of Culiacan, where his govern-
ment ended and where the New Kingdom of
Galicia is now, they tried to cross the coun-
try, but found the difficulties very great, be-
cause the mountain chains which are near
that sea are so rough that it was impossible,
after great labor, to find a passageway in that
region. His whole army had to stay in the
district of Culiacan for so long on this ac-
count that some rich men who were with
him, who had possessions in Mexico, changed
their minds, and every day became more
anxious to return. Besides this, Nufio do
ligirized I:, G00gk'
THE JOUBNEY OF CORONADO
Guzman received word that the Marquis of
the Valley, Don Fernando Cortes, had come
from Spain with his new title, 1 and with
great favors and estates, and aa Nufio do
Guzman had been a great rival of his at the
time he was president,' and had done much
damage to his property and to that of his
friends, he feared that Don Fernando Cortes
would want to pay him back in the same
way, or worse. So he decided to establish
the town of Culiacan there and to go back
with the other men, without doing anything
more.
After his return from this expedition, he
founded Xalisco, where the city of Com-
poetela is situated, and Tonala, which is
called Guadalaxara,' and now this is the
New Kingdom of Galicia. The guide they
had, who was called Tejo, died about this
time, and thus the name of these Seven
Cities and the search for them remains until
now, since they have not been discovered.*
> Marques del Valle da Oaxaca y Capltan General
de la Nueva Banana y de la Costa del Bur.
■ Guzman had presided over the trial of Cortes,
who wrs In Spain at the time, for the murder o* ""
ligirized I:, G00gk'
THE JOURNEY OF CORONADO
CHAPTER H
Of how Francisco Vazquez Corouado came to be
governor, and the second account which Cabeza de
Yaca gave.
Eight years after Nuflo de Guzman made
this expedition, be was put in prison by a
juoz de residencia, 1 named the licentiate
Diego de la Torre, who came from Spain
with sufficient powers to do this.* After
the death of the judge, who had also man-
aged the government of that country himself,
the good Don Antonio de Mendoza, viceroy
of New Spain, appointed as governor of that
province Francisco Vazquez de Coronado, a
gentleman from Salamanca, who had married
a lady in the city of Mexico, the daughter
of Alonso de Estrada, the treasurer and at
one time governor of Mexico, and the son,
most people said, of His Catholic Majesty
Don Ferdinand, and many stated it as cer-
tain. As I was saying, at the time Fran-
cisco Vazquez was appointed governor, he
was traveling through New Spain as an offi-
cial inspector, and in this way he gained the
friendship of many worthy men who after-
ward went on his expedition with him.
'A judge appointed to investigate the accounts
and administration of a royal official.
' A full account of the licentiate de la Torre and
his administration is given by Mota. Padilla (ed.
lcazbalceta, pp. 103-106). He was appointed iuea
March 17, 1586, and died during 1588.
ligirized I:, G00gk'
THE JOURNEY OP CORONADO
It happened that just at this time three
Spaniards, named Cabeza de Vaca, Dorantes,
and Castillo Maldonado, and a negro, who
had been lost on the expedition which Pam-
filo de Nai-vaez led into Florida, reached
Mexico.' They came out through Culiacan,
having crossed the country from sea to sea,
as anyone who wishes may find out for him-
self by an account which this same Cabeza
de Vaca wrote and dedicated to Prince Don
Philip, who is now King of Spain and our
sovereign.' They gave the good Don An-
tonio de Mendoza an extended account of
some powerful villages, four and five stories
high, of which they had heard a great deal
in the countries they had crossed, and other
things very different from what turned out
to be the truth. The noble viceroy com-
municated this to the new governor, who
gave up the visits he had in hand, on account
of this, and hurried his departure for his gov-
ernment, taking with him the negro who
had come [with Cabeza de Vaca] with the
three friars of the order of Saint Francis, one
of whom was named Friar Marcos of Nice,
a regular priest, and another Friar Daniel, a
lay brother, and the other Friar Antonio de
Santa Maria. When he reached the prov-
ince of Culiacan he sent the friars just meo-
1 They appeared in New Spain in April, 1586, be-
fore Coronado'a appointment. CastaBeda may be
right in the rest of hia statement.
■This account has been translated by Buckingham
Smith, New York, 1871.
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THE JOURNEY OF CORONADO
tioned and the negro, who was named
Stephen, off in search of that country, be-
cause Friar Marcos offered to go and see it,
because he had been in Peru at the time
Don Pedro do Alvarado went there overland.
It seems that, after the friars I have men-
tioned and the negro had started, the negro
did not get on well with the friars, because
he took the women that were given him and
collected turquoises, and got together a stock
of everything. Besides, the Indians in those
places through which they went got along
with the negro better, because they had seen
him before. This was the reason he was
sent on ahead to open up the way and pacify
the Indians, so that when the others came
along they had nothing to do except to keep
an account of the things for which they were
looking.
After Stephen had left the friars, he
thought he could get all the reputation and
honor himself, and that if he should discover
those settlements with such famous high
houses, alone, he would be considered bold
and courageous. So he proceeded with the
people who had followed him, and attempted
to cross the wilderness which lies between
the country he had passed through and Gi-
ligirized I:, G00gk'
THE JOURNEY OF CORONADO
bob. He was so far ahead of the friars
that, when these reached Chichil.tica.lU,
which is on the edge of the wilderness, he
was already at Cibola, which is 80 leagues
beyond. It is 220 leagues from Culiacan to
the edge of the wilderness, and 80 across the
desert, which makes 300, or perhaps 10
more or less. As I said, Stephen reached
Cibola loaded with the large quantity of tur-
quoises they had given him and some beau-
tiful women whom the Indians who fol-
lowed him and carried his things were tak-
ing with them and had given him. These
had followed him from all the settlements
he had passed, believing that under his pro-
tection they could traverse the whole world
without any danger.
But as the people in this country were
more intelligent than those who followed
Stephen, they lodged him in a little hut
they had outside their village, and the older
men and the governors heard his story and
took steps to find out the reason he had come
to that country. For three days they made
inquiries about him and held a council.
The account which the negro gave them of
two white men who were following him,
sent by a great lord, who knew about the
things in the sky, and how these were com-
ing to instruct them in divine matters, made
them think that he must be a spy or a guide
from some nations who wished to come and
conquer them, because it seemed to them
unreasonable to say that the people were
— Google
THE JOURNEY OF CORONADO
white in the country from which he . came
and that he was sent by them, he being
black. Besides these other reasons, they
thought it was hard of him to ask them for
turquoises and women, and so they decided
to kill him. They did this, hut they did
not kill any of thoBe who went with him,
although they kept some young fellows
and let the others, about 60 persons, return
freely to their own country. As these, who
were badly scared, were returning in flight,
they happened to come upon the friars
in the desert 60 leagues from Cibola, and
told them the sad news, which frightened
them so much that they would not even
trust these folks who had been with the
negro, but opened the packs they were carry-
ing and gave away everything they had
except the holy vestments for saying mass.
They returned from here by double marches,
prepared for anything, without seeing any
more of the country except what the Indians
told them.
CHAPTER IV
After Francisco Vazquez Coronado had
sent Friar Marcos of Nice and his party on
the search already related, he was engaged
in Guliacan about some business that related
to his government, when he heard an account
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THE JOURNEY OP CORONADO
of a province called Topira,* which was to
the north of the country of Culiacan. He
started to explore this region with several of
the conquerors and some friendly Indians,
but he did not get very far, because the
mountain chains which they had to cross
were very difficult. He returned without
finding the least signs of a good country, and
when he got back, he found the friars who
had just arrived, and who told such great
things about what the negro Stephen had
discovered and what they had heard from
the Indians, and other things they had heard
about the South sea and islands and other
riches, that, without stopping for anything,
the governor set off at once for the City of
Mexico, taking Friar Marcos with him, to
tell the viceroy about it. He made the
things seem more important by not talking
about them to anyone except his particular
friends, under promise of the greatest secrecy,
until after he had reached Mexico and seen
Don Antonio de Mendoza. Then it began
to be noised abroad that the Seven Cities for
which NuBo de Guzman had searched, had
already been discovered, and a beginning
was made in collecting an armed force and
in bringing together people to go to conquer
them.
The noble viceroy arranged with the
friars of the order of Saint Francis so that
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THE JOURNEY OP CORONADO
Friar Marcos was made father provincial, as
a result of which the pulpits of that order
were filled with such accounts of marvels
and wonders that more than 300 Spaniards
and ahout 800 natives of New Spain col-
lected in a few days. There were so many
men of such high quality among the Span-
iards, that such a noble body was never col-
lected in the Indies, nor so many men of
quality in such a small body, there being 300
men. Francisco Vazquez Coronado, governor
of New Galicia, was captain-general, because
he had been the author of it all. The good
viceroy Don Antonio did this because at this
time Francisco Vazquez was his closest and
most intimate friend, and because he con-
sidered him to be wise, skillful, and intelli-
gent, besides being a gentleman. Had he
paid more attention and regard to the posi-
tion in which he was placed and the charge
over which he was placed, and less to the
estates he left behind in New Spain, or, at
least, more to the honor he had and might
secure from having such gentlemen under
his command, things would not have turned
out as they did. When this narrative is
ended, it will be seen that he did not know
how to keep his position nor the government
that he held.
>
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THE JOUBNEY OF C080NADO
CHAPTER V
Concerning the captains who went to Cibola.
When the viceroy, Don Antonio de Men-
doza, saw what a noble company had come
together, and the spirit and good will with
which they had all presented themselves,
knowing the worth of these men, he would
have liked very well to make every one of
them captain of an army ; but as the whole
number was small he could Dot do as he
would have liked, and so he issued the com-
missions and captaincies as he saw fit, be-
cause it seemed to him that if they were
appointed by him, as he was bo well obeyed
and beloved, nobody would find fault with
his arrangements. After everybody had
heard who the general was, he made Don
Pedro de Tovar ensign general, a young gen-
tleman who was the son of Don Fernando de
Tovar, the guardian and lord high steward
of the Queen Dona Juana, our demented
mistress — may she be in glory — and Lope
de Samaniego, the governor of the arsenal at
Mexico, 1 a gentleman fully equal to the
charge, army -master. The captains were
Don Tristan de Arellano; Don Pedro de
Guevara, the son of Don Juan de Guevara
and nephew of the Count of Onate; Don
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THE JOURNEY OF CORONADO
Garcia Lopez de Cardenas; Don Bodrigo
Maldonado, brother-in-law of the Duke of
the Infantado; Diego Lopez, alderman of
Seville, and Diego Gutierres, for the
cavalry.
All the other gentlemen were placed un-
der the flag of the general, as being distin-
guished persons, and some of them became
captains later, and their .appointments were
confirmed by order of the viceroy and by the
general, Francisco Vazquez. Taname some
of them whom I happen to remember* there
were Francisco de Barrionuevo, a gen^lenian
from Granada; Juan de Saldivar, Fiad^ co
de Ovando, Juan Gallego, and Melchior I?* 2
— a captain who had been mayor of Culiacarcy
who, although he was not a gentleman, \
merited the position he held. The other V
gentlemen, who were prominent, were Don >
Alonso Manrique de Lara ; Don Lope de Ur-
rea, a gentleman from Aragon ; Gomez Suarez
de Figueroa, Luis Ramirez de Vargas, Juan
de Sotomayor, Francisco Gorbalan, the com-
missioner Kiberos, and other gentlemen, men
of high quality, whom I do not now recall
The infantry captain was Pablo de Melgosa
of Burgos, and of the artillery, Hernando de
Alvarado of the mountain district. As I
say, since then I have forgotten the names
of many gentlemen. It would be well if I
could name some of them, so that it might
be clearly seen what cause I had for saying
that they had on this expedition the most
brilliant company ever collected in the la-
THE JOURNEY OP CORONADO
dies to go in search of new lands. But they
were unfortunate in having a captain who
left in New Spain estates and a pretty wife,
a noble and excellent lady, which were not
the least causes for what was to happen.
CHAPTER VI
Of how all the companies collected In Compostela
and set ofl on the journey In good oider.
When the viceroy Don Antonio de Men-
doza had fixed and arranged everything as
we have related, and the companies and cap-
taincies had been arranged, he advanced a
part of their salaries from the chest of His
Majesty to those in the army who were in
greatest need. And as it seemed to him
that it would be rather hard for the friendly
Indians in the country if the army should
start from Mexico, he ordered them to as-
semble at the city of Compostela, the chief
city in the New Kingdom of Galicia, 110
leagues from Mexico, so that they could
begin their journey there with everything
in good order. There is nothing to tell
about what happened on this trip, since
they all finally assembled at Compostela by
shrove-tide, in the year (fifteen hundred and)
forty-one.*
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THE JOURNEY OF OORONADO
After the whole force had left Mexico, he
ordered Don Pedro de Alarcon to set sail
with two ships that were in the port of La
Natividad on the South seacoast, and go to
the port of Xalisco to take the baggage which
the soldiers were unable to carry, 1 and thenoe
to sail along the coast near the army, because
he had understood from the reports that they
would have to go through the country near
the seacoast, and that we could find the har-
bors by means of the rivers, and that the
ships could always get news of the army,
which turned out afterward to be false, and
so all this stuff was lost, or, rather, those
who owned it lost it, as will be told farther
on. After the viceroy had completed all his
arrangements, he set off for Compostola, ac-
companied by many noble and rich men.
He kept the New Year of (fifteen hundred
and) forty-one at Pasquaro, which is the
chief place in the bishopric of Michoaean,
and from there he crossed the whole of Sew
Spain, taking much pleasure in enjoying
the festivals and great receptions which
were given him, till he reached Compo-
stela, which is, as I have said, 110
leagues. There he found the whole com-
pany assembled, being well treated and en-
tertained by Cbristobal de Ofiate, who had
the whole charge of that government for
the time being. He had had the manage-
ment of it and was in command of all that
1 Bee the instructions given lay Mendoza, to Alar-
con, In Buckingham Smith's Florida, p. 1.
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THE JOURNEY OP CORONADO
region when Francisco Vazquez was made
All were very glad when he arrived, and
he made an examination of the company and
found all those whom we have mentioned.
He assigned the captains to their companies,
and after this was done, on the next day,
after they had all heard mass, captains and
soldiers together, the viceroy made them a
very eloquent short speech, telling them of
the fidelity they owed to their general and
showing them clearly the benefits which this
expedition might afford, from the conversion
of those peoples as well as in the profit of
those who should conquer the territory, and
the advantage to His Majesty and the claim
which they would thus have on his favor
and aid at all times. After he had finished,
they all, both captains and soldiers, gave
him their oaths upon the Gospels in a Mis-
sal that they would follow their general on
this expedition and would obey him in
everything he commanded them, which they
faithfully performed, as will be seen. The
next day after this was done, the army
started off with its colors fifing. The vice-
roy, Don Antonio, went with them for two
days, and there he took leave of them, re-
turning to New Spain with his friends.
1 See the writings of Tello and Mote Padilla con-
cerning Ofiate. Much of the early prosperity of
New Gallcia— what there was of it— seems to have
been due to Ofjate' s skillful management.
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THE JOURHBY OP CORONADO
CHAPTER VII
Of how the army reached Chfametla, and the kill-
ing of the army-master, and the other thing! that
happened up to the arrival at Cnliacan.
After the viceroy Don Antonio left them,
the army continued its march. As each one
was obliged to transport his own baggage
and all did not know how to fasten the
packs, and as the horses started off fat and
plump, they had a good deal of difficulty
and labor during the first few days, and
many left many valuable things, giving
them to anyone who wanted them, in order
to get rid of carrying them. In the end
necessity, which is all powerful, made them
skillful, so that one could see many gentle-
men become carriers, and anybody who
despised this work was not considered a
With such labors, which they then thought
severe, the army reached Chiametla, where
it was obliged to delay several days to pro-
cure food. During this time the army-mas-
ter, Lope de Samaniego, went off with some
soldiers to find food, and at one village, a
crossbowman having entered it indiscreetly
in pursuit of the enemies, they shot him
through the eye and it passed through his
brain, so that he died on the spot. They
also shot five or six of his companions before
Diego Lopez, the alderman from Seville,
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since the commander was dead, collected the
men and sent word to the general He put
a guard in the village and over the provi-
sions. There was great confusion in the
army when this news became known. He
was buried here. Several sorties were made,
by which food was obtained and several of
the natives taken prisoners. They hanged
those who seemed to belong to the district
where the army-master was killed.
It seems that when the general, Francisco
Vazquez, left Culiacan with Friar Marcos to
tell the viceroy, Don Antonio de Mendoza,
the news, as already related, he left orders
for Captain Melchior Diaz and Juan de Saldi-
var to start off with a dozen good men from
Culiacan and verify what Friar Marcos had
seen and heard. They started and went as
far as Chichilticalli, which is where the
wilderness begins, 220 leagues from Culia-
can, and there they turned back, not finding
anything important. They reached Chia-
metla just as the army was ready to leave,
and reported to the general. Although they
were kept secret, the bad news leaked out,
and there were some reports which, al-
though they were exaggerated, did not fail
to give an indication of what the facts were."
Friar Marcos, noticing that some were feel-
1 The report of Diaz Is incorporated in the letter
from Mendoza to the King, translated herein. This
letter seems to imply that Diaz stayed at Cuichilti-
callf; but if such was his Intention when writing
the report to Mendoza, he must have changed his
mind and returned with Saldivar as far as Chiametla.
a 17
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THE JOURNEY OP CORONADO
iog disturbed, cleared away these clouds,
promising that what they would see should.
be good, and that he would place the army
in a country where their hands would be
filled, and in this way he quieted them so
that they appeared well satisfied. From
there the army marched to Guliacan, mak-
ing some detours into the country to seize
provisions. They were two leagues from
the town of Guliacan at Easter vespers, when
the inhabitants came out to welcome their
governor and begged him not to ent«i the
town till the day after Easter.
CHAPTER TIH
Of bow the army entered the town of Culiacan
and the reception it received, and other things which
happened before the departure.
When the day after Easter came, the army
started in the morning to go to the town and,
as they approached, the inhabitants of the
town came out on to an open plain with foot
and horse drawn up in ranks as if for a bat-
tle, and having its seven bronze pieces of
artillery in position, making a show of de-
fending their town. Some of our soldiers
were with them. Our army drew up in the
same way and began a skirmish with them,
and after the artillery on both sides had been
fired they were driven back, just as if the
town had been taken by force of arms, which
was a pleasant demonstration of welcome.
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except for the artilleryman who lost a hand
by a shot, from having ordered them to fire
before he had finished drawing out the ram-
rod.
After the town was taken, the army was
well lodged and entertained by the towns-
people, who, as they were all very well-to-do
people, took all the gentlemen and people of
quality who were with the army into then-
own apartments, although they had lodgings
prepared for them all just outside the town.
Some of the townspeople were not ill repaid
for this hospitality, because all had started
with fine clothes and accoutrements, and as
they had to carry provisions on their animals
after this, they were obliged to leave their
fine stuff, so that many preferred giving it
to their hosts instead of risking it on the
sea by putting it in the ship that bad fol-
lowed the army along the coast to take the
extra baggage, as I have said. After they
arrived and were twing entertained in the
town, the general, by order of the viceroy
Don Antonio, left Fernandarias de Saabedra,
uncle of Hernandarias de Saabedra, count of
Castellar, formerly mayor of Seville, as his
lieutenant and captain in this town. The
army rested here several days, because the
inhabitants had gathered a good stock of
provisions that year and each one shared his
stock very - gladly with his guests from our
army. They not only had plenty to eat
here, but they also had plenty to take away
with them, so that when the departure came
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THE JOURNEY OP CORONADO
they started off with more than six hundred
loaded animals, besides the friendly Indians
and the servants — more than a thousand
persons. After a fortnight had passed, the
general started ahead with about fifty horse-
men and a few foot soldiers and most of the
Indian allies, leaving the army, which was
to follow him a fortnight later, with Don
Tristan de Arellano in command as his lieu-
tenant.
At this time, before his departure, a pretty
sort of thing happened to the general, which
I will tell for what it is worth. A young
soldier named Trugillo (Truxillo) pretended
that he had seen a vision while he was bath-
ing in the river. Feigning that he did not
want to, he was brought before the general,
whom he gave to understand that the devil
had told him that if he would kill the gen-
eral, he could marry his wife, Dona Beatris,
and would receive great wealth and other
very fine things. Friar Marcos of Nice
preached several sermons on this, laying it
all to the fact that the devil was jealous of
the good which must result from this jour-
ney and so wished to break it up in this
way. It did not end here, but the friars
who were in the expedition wrote to their
convents about it, and this was the reason
the pulpits of Mexico proclaimed strange
rumors about this affair.
The general ordered Truxillo to stay in
that town and not to go on the expedition,
which was what he was after when he made
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THE JOURNEY OP CORONADO
up that falsehood, judging from what after-
ward appeared to be the truth. The general
started off with the force already described
to continue his journey, and the army fol-
lowed him, as will be related.
CHAPTER IX
Of how the army started from Culiacan and the
arrival of the general at Cibola and of the army at
SeGora and of other thing! that happened.
The general, as has been said, started to
continue his journey from the valley of Cu-
liacan somewhat lightly equipped, taking
with him the friars, since none of them
wished to stay behind with the army. After
they had gone three days, a regular friar who
could say mass, named Friar Antonio Vic-
toria, broke his leg, and they brought him
back from the camp to have it doctored. He
stayed with the army after this, which was
no slight consolation for all. The general
and his force crossed the country without
trouble, as they found everything peaceful,
because the Indians knew Friar Marcos and
some of the others who had been with Mel-
chior Diaz when he went with Juan de Sal-
dibar to investigate.
After the general had crossed the inhab-
ited region and came to Chichilticalli, where
the wilderness begins, and saw nothing favor-
able, he could not help feeling somewhat
downhearted, for, although the reports were
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THE JOTJRNBT OP CORONADO
very fine about what was ahead, there was
nobody who had seen it except the Indiana
who went with the negro, and these had
already been caught in some lies. Besides
all this, he was much affected by seeing that
the fame of Chichilticalliwas summed up in
one tumble-down house without any roof,
although it appeared to have been a strong
place at some former time when it was in-
habited, and it was very plain that it had
been built by a civilized and warlike race of
strangers who had come from a distance.
This building was made of red earth. From
here they went on through the wilderness,
and in fifteen days came to a river about
8 leagues from Cibola, which they called
Bed River, 1 because its waters were muddy
and reddish. In this river they found mul-
lets like those of Spain. The first Indians
from that country were seen here — two of
them, who ran away to give the news. Dur-
ing the night following the next day, about
2 leagues from the village, some Indians
in a safe place yelled so that, although the
men were ready for anything, some were so
excited that they put their saddles on hind-
side before ; but these were the new fellows.
When the veterans had mounted and ridden
round the camp, the Indians tied. None of
them could be caught because they knew the
country.
1 Bandelier, in bis Glided Man, Identifies this with
Zufii river. The Rio Vermejo of Jaramillo is the
Little Colorado or Colorado Chiquito.
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THE JOURNEY OF CORONADO
The next day they entered the settled
country in good order, and when they saw
the first village, which was Cibola, snch •
were the curses that some hurled at Friar
Marcos that I pray God may protect him
from them.
It ia a little, crowded village, looking as
if it had been crumpled all up together.
There are ranch houses in New .Spain which
make a better appearance at a distance.' It
is a village of about 200 warriors, is three
and four stories high, with the houses small
and having only a few rooms, and without
a courtyard. One yard serves for each sec-
tion. The people of the whole district had
collected here, for there are seven villages
in the province, and some of the others
are even larger and stronger than Cibola.
These folks waited for the army, drawn up
by divisions in front of the village. When
they refused to have peace on the terms
the interpreters extended to them, but
'Mota Padilla, p. 118: "They reached Tzibola.
which was a village divided Into two parts, which
were encircled in such a way as to make the village
round, and the houses adjoining three and four
■tories high, with doors opening on a great court or
plaza, leaving one or two doors In the wall, so as to
Sin and out. In the middle of the plaza there is a
Dchway or trapdoor, by which they go down to a
subterranean hall, the roof of which was of large
pine beams, and a little hearth in the floor, and the
walls plastered. The Indian men stayed there days
and nights playing (or gaming) and the women
brought them food ; and this was the way the In-
diana of the neighboring villages lived."
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THE JOURNEY OP CORONADO
appeared defiant, the Santiago ' was given,
and they were at once put to night. The
Spaniards then attacked the village, which
was taken with not a little difficulty, since
they held the narrow and crooked entrance.
During the attack they knocked the general
down with a large stone, and would have
killed him but for Don Garcia Lopez de Car-
denas and Hernando de Alvarado, who threw
themselves above him and drew him away,
receiving the blows of the stones, which
were not few. But the first fury of the
Spaniards could not be resisted, and in less
than an hour they entered the village and
captured it. They discovered food there,
which was the thing they were most in need
of.' After this the whole province was at
peace.
The army which had stayed with Don
Tristan de Arellano started to follow their
general, all loaded with provisions, with
lances on their shoulders, and all on foot, so
as to have the horses loaded. With no
slight labor from day to day, they reached a
province which Cabeza de Vaca had named
Hearts (Corazones), because the people here
offered him many hearts of animals. He
founded a town here and named it San
■The war cry or "loud Invocation addressed to
Saint James before engaging In battle with toe In-
fidels." — Captain John Stevens' Dictionary.
* Compare the translation of the Traslado de la*
Nuevas herein. There are some striking 1
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THE JOTJBNEY OP COBONADO
Hieronimo de log Corazones (Saint Jerome
of the Hearts). After it had been started,
it was seen that it could not be kept up here,
and so it was afterward transferred to a val-
ley which had been called Sefiora. 1 The
Spaniards call it Senora, and so it will be
known by this name.
From here a force went down the river to
the seacoast to find the harbor and to find
out about the ships. Don Eodrigo Maldo-
nado, who was captain of those who went in
search of the ships, did not find them, but
he brought back with him an Indian so large
and tall that the best man in the army
reached only to his chest. It was said that
other Indians were even taller on that coast.
After the rains ceased the army went on to
where the town of Senora was afterward lo-
cated, because there were provisions in that
region, so that they were able to wait there
for orders from the generaL
About the middle of the month of Octo-
ber 1 Captains Melchior Diaz and Juan Gal-
lego came from Cibola, Juan Gallego on his
way to New Spain and Melchior Diaz to
stay in the new town of Hearts, in command
of the men who remained there. He was to
go along the coast in search of the ships.
1 The persistent use of the form Sefiora. Madame,
for the place Booora, may be due to the copy lata.
* This should be September.
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THE JOURHBT OF OORONADO
CHAPTER X
Of bow the army started from the town of Seflom,
leaving It Inhabited, and how ft leached Cibola, and
of what happened to Captain Helchior Diaz on ilia
expedition In search of the ships and how he die-
covered the Tison (Firebrand) river.
After Melchior Diaz and Juan Gallego
had arrived in the town of Senora, it was
announced that the army was to depart for
Cibola; that Melchior Diaz was to remain
in charge of that town with 80 men ; that
Juan Gallego was going to JNew Spain with
messages for the viceroy, and that Friar
Marcos was going back with him, because
he did not think it was safe for him to
stay in Cibola, seeing that his report had
turned out to be entirely false, because the
kingdoms that he had told about had not
been found, nor the populous cities, nor the
wealth of gold, nor the precious stones
which he had reported, nor the fine clothes,
nor other things that had been proclaimed
from the pulpits. When this had been an-
nounced, those who were to remain were
selected and the rest loaded their provisions
and set off in good order about the middle of
September on the way to Cibola following
their general
Don Tristan de Arellano stayed in this
new town with the weakest men, and from
this time on there was nothing but mutinies
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THE JOTJBNEY OF CORONADO
and strife, because after the army had gone
Captain Melchior Diaz took 25 of the most
efficient men, leaving in his place one Diego
de Alcaraz, a man unfitted to have people
under his command. He took guides and
went toward the north and west in search
of the seacoast. After going about 150
leagues, they came to a province of ex-
ceedingly tall and strong men — like giants.
They are naked and live in large straw
cabins built underground like smoke houses,
with only the straw roof above ground.
They enter these at one end and come out
at the other. More than a hundred per-
sona, old and young, sleep in one cabin.
When they carry anything, they can take a
load of more than three or four hundred-
weight on their heads. Once when our men
wished to fetch a log for the fire, and six
men were unable to carry it, one of these
Indians is reported to have come and raised
it in bis arms, put it on his head alone, and
carried it very easily. 1 They eat bread
cooked in the aahes, as big as tie large two-
pound loaves of Castile. On account of the
great cold, they carry a firebrand (tison) in
1 Fletcher, In The World Encompassed by Sir
Francis Drake, p. 181 (ed. 18W) tells a similar story
of some Indians whom Drake visited on the coast of
California : " Yet are the men commonly so strong of
body, that that which 3 or 8 of our men could hard-
ly lieare, one of them would take vpon his backe,
and without grudging, carrie it easily away, vp hill
and downe hill an English mile together." Mota
Padllla, cap. zxsii., p. 158, describes an attempt to
catch one of these Indians.
81
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the hand when they go from one place to
another, with which they warm the other
hand and the body as well, and in this way
they keep shifting it every now and then. 1
On this account the large river which ia
in that country was called Rio del Tison
(Firebrand Biver). It is a very great river
and is more than 2 leagues wide at its
mouth; here it is half a league across.
Here the captain heard that there had been
Bhips at a point three days down toward the
sea. When he reached the place where the
ships had been, which was more than 15
leagues up the river from the mouth of the
harbor, they found written on a tree : " Alar-
con reached this place; there are letters at
the foot of this tree.'' He dug up the letters
and learned from them how long Alarcon
had waited for news of the army and that
he had gone back with the ships to New
Spain, because he was unable to proceed
farther, since this sea was a bay, which was
formed by the Isle of the Marquis,* which is
called California, and it was explained that
California was not an island, but a point of
the mainland forming the other eide of that
gulf.
After he had seen this, the captain turned
back to go up the river, without going down
to the sea to find a ford by which to cross
'Father Bcdelmafr, in his Relation, mentions this
custom of the Indians. (See Bandeliei, Final Re-
port, vol. L, p. 108.)
• Cortes.
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THE JOTJBNEY OF COHONADO
to the other side, bo as to follow the other
bank. After they had gone five or six days,
it seemed to them as if they could cross on
rafts. For this purpose they called together
a large number of the natives, who were
waiting for a favorable opportunity to make
an attack on our men, and when they saw
that the strangers wanted to cross, they
helped make the rafts with all zeal and dili-
gence, so as to catch them in this way on
the water and drown them or else so divide
them that they could not help one another.
While the rafts were being made, a soldier
who had been out around the camp saw a
large number of armed men go across to a
mountain, where they were waiting till the
soldiers should cross the river. He reported
this, and an Indian was quietly shut up, in
order to find out the truth, and when they
tortured him he told all the arrangements
that had been made. These were, that
when our men were crossing and part of
them had got over and part were on the
river and part were waiting to cross, those
who were on the rafts should drown those
they were taking across and the rest of their
force should make an attack on both sides of
the river. If they had had as much discre-
tion and courage as they had strength and
power, the attempt would have succeeded.
When he knew their plan, the captain had
the Indian who had confessed the affair killed
secretly, and that night he was thrown into
the river with a weight, so that the Indiana
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THE JOURNEY OF CORONABO
■would not suspect that they vera found out.
The next day they noticed that our men sus-
pected them, and so they made an attack,
shooting showers of arrows, but when the
horses began to catch up with them and the
lances wounded them without mercy and
the musketeers likewise made good shots,
they had to leave the plain and take to the
mountain, until not a man of them was to
be seen. The force then came back and
crossed all right, the Indian allies and the
Spaniards going across on the rafts and the
horses swimming alongside the rafts, where
we will leave them to continue their jour-
ney.
To relate how the army that was on its
way to Cibola got on: Everything went
along in good shape, since the general had
left everything peaceful, because he wished
the people in that region to be contented and
without fear and willing to do what they
were ordered. In a province called Vacapan
there was a large quantity of prickly pears,
of which the natives make a great deal of
preserves.' They gave this preserve away
freely, and as the men of the army ate much,
of it, they all fell sick with a headache and
fever, so that the natives might have done
much harm to the force if they had wished.
This lasted regularly twenty-four hours.
After this they continued their march until
the fruit of the tuns, and the yucca. Bee Cuahing In
The Millstone, Indianapolis, July, 1884, pp. 1Q8-I0fc
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THE JOURNEY OF CORONADO
they reached Chichilticalli. The men in
the advance guard saw a flock of sheep one
day after leaving this place. I myself saw
and followed them. They had extremely
large bodies and long wool; their horns
were very thick and large, and when they
ran they throw back their heads and pat
their horns on the ridge of their back.
They are need to the rough country, so that
we could not catch them and had to leave
them.
Three days after we entered the wilderness
we found a horn on the bank of a river that
flows in the bottom of a very steep, deep
gully, which the general had noticed and
left there for his army to see, for it was six
feet long and as thick at the base as a man's
thigh. It seemed to be more like the horn
of a goat than of any other animal. It was
something worth seeing. The army pro-
ceeded and was about a day's march from.
Cibola when a very cold tornado came up in
the afternoon, followed by a great fall of
snow, which was a bad combination for the
carriers. The army went on till it reached
some caves in a rocky ridge, late in the even-
ing. The Indian allies, who were from New
Spain, and for the most part from warm
countries, were in great danger. They felt
the coldness of that day so much that it was
hard work the next day taking care of them,
for they suffered much pain and had to be
carried on the horses, the soldiers walking.
After this labor the army reached Cibola,
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THE JOUBHEY OF CORONADO
■where their general was waiting for them,
with their quarters all ready, and here they
were reunited, except some captains and
men who had gone off to discover other prov-
inces.
CHAPTER XI
How Don Pedro de Tovar discovered Tua&ran or
Tutahaco ' and Don Garcta Lopez de Cardenas saw
the Firebrand river and the other things that bad
happened.
While the things already described were
taking place, Cibola being at peace, the Gen-
eral Francisco Vazquez found out from the
people of the province about the provinces
that lay around it, and got them to tell their
friends and neighbors that Christians had
come into the country, whose only desire
was to be their friends, and to find out about
good lands to live in, and for them to come
to see the strangers and talk with them.
They did this, since they know how to com-
municate with one another in these regions,
.and they informed him about a province
with seven villages of the same sort as
theirs, although somewhat different. They
had nothing to do with these people. This
province is called Tusayan. It is twenty-
five leagues from Cibola. The villages are
.high and the people are warlike.
The general had sent Don Pedro de Tovar
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THE JOURNEY OF CORON1DO
to these villages with seventeen horsemen
and three or four foot soldiers. Juan de
Padilla, & Franciscan friar, who had been a
fighting man in his youth, went with them.
When they reached the region, they entered
the country so quietly that nobody observed
them, because there were no settlements or
farms between one village and another and
the people do not leave the villages except
to go to their farms, especially at this time,
when they had heard that Cibola had been
captured by very fierce people, who travelled
on animals which ate people. This infor-
mation was generally believed by those who
had never seen horses, although it was so
strange as to cause much wonder. Our men
arrived after nightfall and were able to con-
ceal themselves under the edge of the village,
where they heard the natives talking in
their houses. But in the morning they were
discovered and drew up in regular order,
while the natives came out to meet them,
with bows, and shields, and wooden clubs,
drawn up in lines without any confusion.
The interpreter was given a chance to speak
to them and give them due warning, for they
were very intelligent people, but nevertheless
they drew lines and insisted that out men
should not go across these lines toward their
village. 1
1 Compare the lines which the Hopi or Moqul In-
diana still mark with sacred meal during their festi-
vals, as described by Dr. Fewkes in Iris "Few Sum-
mer Ceremonials," In vol. 11. of the Journal of
American Ethnology and Archaeology.
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THE JOURNEY OP CORONADO
While they were talking, some men acted
as if they would cross the lines, and one of
the natives lost control of himself and struck
a horse a blow on the cheek of the bridle
with his club. Friar Juan, fretted by the
time that was being wasted in talking with
them, said to the captain: "To tell the
truth, I do not know why we came here."
When the men heard this, they gave the
Santiago so suddenly that they ran down
many Indians and the others fled to the
town in confusion. Some indeed did not
have a chance to do this, so quickly did the
people in the village come out with presents,
asking for peace. The captain ordered his
force to collect, and, aB the natives did not
do any more harm, he and those who were
with him found a place to establish their
headquarters near the village. They had
dismounted here when the natives came
peacefully, saying that they had come to
give in the submission of the whole province
and that they wanted him to be friends with
then! and to accept the presents which they
gave him. This was some cotton cloth,
although not much, because they do not
make it in that district. They also gave
him some dressed skins and corn meal,
and pine nuts and corn and birds of
the country. Afterward they presented
some turquoises, but not many. The
people of the whole district came to-
gether that day and submitted themselves,
and they allowed him to enter their vil-
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THE JOURNEY OP CORONADO
lages freely to visit, buy, Bell, and baiter
with them.
It is governed like Cibola, by an assembly
of the oldest men. They have their gover-
nors and generals. This was where they
obtained the information about a large river,
and that several days down the river there
were some people with very large bodies.
As Don Pedro de Tovax was not commis-
sioned to go farther, he returned from there
and gave this information to the general,
who dispatched Don Garcia Lopez de Carde-
nas with about twelve companions to go to
see this river. He was well received when
he reached Tusayan and was entertained by
the natives, who gave him guides for his
journey. They started from here loaded
with provisions, for they had to go through
a desert country before reaching the inhab-
ited region, which the Indians said was more
than twenty days' journey. After they had
gone twenty days they came to the banks
of the river. It seemed to be more than 3
or 4 leagues in an air line across to the
other bank of the stream which flowed be-
tween them.
This country was elevated and full or low
twisted pines, very cold, and lying open tow-
ard the north, so that, this being the wans
season, no one could live there on account
of the cold. They spent three days on this
bank looking for a passage down to the river,
which looked from above as if the water was
6 feet across, although the Indians said it
i ss
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Tffli JOURNEY OP CORONADO
was half a league wide. It was impossible
to descend, for after these three days Captain
Velgosa and one Juan Galeras and another
'companion, who were the three lightest and
most agile men, made an attempt to go down
*t the least difficult place, and went down
«ntil those who were above were unable to
keep eight of them. They returned about
4 o'clock in the afternoon, not having
•ueeeeded in reaching the bottom on account
•f the great difficulties which they found,
because what seemed to be easy from above
•was not so, but instead very hard and diffi-
cult. They said that they had been down
about a third of the way and that the river
aeemed vary large from the place which they
reached, and that from what they saw they
thought the Indians had given the width
correctly. Those who stayed above had
estimated that some huge rocks on the sides
-of the cliffs seemed to be about as tall as a
man, but those who went down swore that
when they reached these rocks they were
fcigger than the great tower of Seville. They
did not go farther up the river, because they
could not get water.
Before this they had had to go a league or
two inland every day late in the evening in
order to find water, and the guides said that
if they should go four days farther it would
•ot be possible to go on, because there was
no water within three or four days, for when
they travel across this region themselves
they take with them women loaded with
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THE JOURNEY OP CORONADO
water in gourds, and bury the gourds of
water along the way, to use when they re-
turn, and besides this, they travel in one
day over what it takes us two days to ac-
complish.
This was the Tison (Firebrand) river,
much nearer its source than where Melchior
Diaz and his company crossed it. These
were the same kind of Indians, judging front
what was afterward learned. They eame>
batik from this point and the expedition did
not have any other result. On the way
they saw some water falling over a rock and
learned from the guides that some bunches
of crystals which were hanging there were
salt. They went and gathered a quantity of
this and brought it back to Cibola, dividing
it among those who were there. They gave>
the general a written account of what they
had seen, because one Pedro de Sotomayor
had gone with Don Garcia Lopez as chroni-
cler for the army. The villages of that prov-
ince remained peaceful, since they were never
visited again, nor was any attempt made to
find other peoples in that direction.
CHAPTER XU
Of how people came from Cleave to Cibola to se»
the Christians, and how Hernando de Alv&radoweat
to see the cows.
While they were making these discov-
eries, some Indians came to Cibola from
a village which was 70 leagues east of
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THE JOURNEY OP CORONADO
this province, called Cieuye. Among them
was a captain who was called Bigotes
(Whiskers) by our men, because he wore a
long mustache. He was a tall, well-built
young fellow, with a fine figure. He told
the general (hat they had come in response
to the notice which had been given, to offer
themselves as friends, and that if we wanted
to go through their country they would con-
sider ua as their friends. They brought a
present of tanned hides and shields and head-
pieces, which were very gladly received, and
the general gave them some glass dishes and
a number of pearls and little bells which
they prized highly, because these were things
they had never seen. They described some
cows which, from a picture that one of them
had painted on his skin, seemed to be cows,
although from the hides this did not seem
possible, because the hair was woolly and
snarled so that we could not tell what sort
of skins they had. The general ordered
Hernando de Alvarado to take 20 compan-
ions and go with them, and gave him a
commission for eighty days, after which he
should return to give an account of what he
had found.*
Captain Alvarado started on this journey
and in five days reached a village which was
on a rock called Acuco,* having a popu-
1 The report of Alvarado is probably the official
account of what he accomplished.
' In regard to the famous rock fortress of Acoma
Bee Bandolier's Introduction, p. 14, and his Final
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THE JOURNEY OP CORONADO
lation of about 200 men. These people
were robbers, feared by the whole country
round about. The village was very strong,
because it was up on a rock out of roach,
having steep sides in every direction, and so
high that it was a very good musket that
could throw a ball as high. There was only
one entrance by a stairway built by hand,
which began at the top of a slope which is
around the foot of the rock. There was a
broad stairway for about 200 steps, then a
stretch of about 100 narrower steps, and at
the top they had to go up about three times
as high as a man by means of holes in the
rook, in which they put the points of their
feet, holding on at the same time by their
hands. There was a wall of large and small
stones at the top, which they could roll
down without showing themselves, so that
no army could possibly be strong enough to
capture the village. On the top they bad
room to sow and store a large amount of
corn, and cisterns to collect snow and water.
These people came down to the plain ready
to fight, and would not listen to any argu-
ments. They drew lines on the ground and
determined to prevent our men from crossing
these, but when they saw that they would
have to fight they offered to make peace be-
Keport, vol. I., p. 133. The Spaniards called it by
a name resembling that which they heard applied to
it in Zufii-Cibola. The true Zufii name of Acoma,
on the authority of Mr. F. W. Hodge, la Hikukia;
that of the Acoma people, Tl&kukwe.
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THE JOURNEY OP CORONADO
fore any harm had been done. They went
through their forma of making peace, which
is to touch the horses and take their sweat
and rub themselves with it, and to make
crosses with the fingers of the hands. But
to make the most secure peace they put their
hands across each other, and they keep this
peace inviolably. They made a present of a
large number of [turkey] cocka with very
big wattles, much bread, tanned deerskins,
pine [pifion] nuts, flour [corn meal], and
From here they went to a province called
Trigiiex,' three days distant. The people all
came out peacefully, seeing that Whiskers,
was with them. These men are feared
throughout all those provinces. Alvarado
sent messengers back from here to advise the
general to come and winter in this country.
The general was not a little relieved to hear
that the country was growing better. Five
days from here he came to Cicuye,* a very
strong village four stories high. The people
came out from the village with signs of joy
to welcome Hernando do Alvarado and their
captain, and brought them into the town
with drams and pipes something like flutes,
1 An error for Tiguei, at or near the present Ber-
nalillo. Simpson located this sear the mouth of the
river Puerco, southeast of Acoma, but I follow
Bandelier, according to whom Alvarado pursued a
northeasterly direction from Acoma. See his Intro-
duction, p. 89, and Final Report, vol. i., p. 129.
* Pecos. Besides his Final Report, vol. 1., p. 137,
see Bandeller's Report on the Pecos Ruins.
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THE JOURNEY OP OOHONADO
of which they have a great many. They
made many presents of cloth and turquoises,
of which there are quantities in that region.
The Spaniards enjoyed themselves here for
several days and talked with an Indian slave,
a native of the country toward Florida, which
is the region Don Fernando de Soto discov-
ered. This fellow said that there were large
settlements in the farther part of that coun-
try. Hernando de Alvarado took him to
guide them to the cows ; but he told them
so many and such great things about the
wealth of gold and silver in his country that
they did not care about looking for cows,
but returned after they had seen some few,
to report the rich news to the general.
They called the Indian "Turk," because he
looked like one.
Meanwhile the general had sent Don Gar-
cia Lopez de Cardenas to Tiguex with men
to get lodgings ready for the army, which
had arrived from Sefiora about this time,
before taking them there for the winter ; and
when Hernando de Alvarado reached Tiguex,
on his way back from Cicuye, he found Don
Garcia Lopez de Cardenas there, and so there
was no need for him to go farther. As it
was necessary that the natives should give
the Spaniards lodging places, the people in
one village had to abandon it and go to
others belonging to their friends, and they
took with them nothing but themselves and
the clothes they had on. Information was
obtained here about many towns up toward
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THE JOURNEY OP CORONADO
the north, and I believe that it would have
been much better to follow this direction,
than that of the Turk, who was the cause of
all the misfortunes which followed.
CHAPTER XH1
Of how the general went toward Tutahaco with a,
few men and left the army with Don Tristan, who
took it to Tiguex.
Everything already related had happened
when Don Tristan de Arellano reached Ci-
bola from Sefiora. Soon after he arrived,
the general, who had received notice of a
province containing eight villages, took 30
of the men who were most fully rested and
went to see it, going from there directly to-
Tiguex with the skilled guides who con-
ducted him. He left orders for Don Tristan
de Arellano to proceed to Tiguex by the di-
rect road, after the men had rested twenty
days. On this journey, between one day
when they left the camping place and mid-
day of the third day, when they saw some
snow-covered mountains, toward which they
went in search of water, neither the Span-
iards nor the horses nor the servants drank
anything. They were able to stand it be-
cause of the severe cold, although with great
difficulty. Ineight days theyreached Tuta-
haco,' where they learned that there were*
1 Coronado probably reached the Rio Grande near
the present Islets, Jaramillo applies this name to-
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THE JOURNEY OF CORONADO
other towns down the river. These people
were peaceful. The villages are terraced,
like those at Tiguex, and of the same style.
The general went up the river from here,
visiting the whole province, until he reached
Tiguex, where he found Hernando de Alva-
rado and the Turk. He felt no alight joy at
such good news, because the Turk said that
in his country there was a river in the level
country which was 2 leagues wide, in which
there were fishes as big as horses, and large
numbers of very big canoes, with more
than 20 rowers on a side, and that they
carried sails, and that their lords sat on the
poop under awnings, and on the prow they
had a great golden eagle. He said also that
the lord of that country took his afternoon
nap under a great tree on which were hung
a great number of little gold bells, which put
him to sleep as they swung in the air. He
said also that everyone had their ordinary
dishes made of wrought plate, and the jugs
and bowls were of gold. He called gold
acochis. For the present he was believed,
on account of the ease with which he told
it and because they showed him metal orna-
ments and he recognized them and said they
were not gold, and he knew gold and silver
very well and did not care anything about
other metals.
Acoma, and perhaps he ia more correct, if we ought
to read it Tutahaio, since the Tiguasftbe inhabitants
of Isleta. Sandla, Taos, and Ficuria pueblos) call
Acoma Tuthea-uay, according to Bandelier, Gilded
Han, p. 211.
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THE JOURNEY OF COBONADO
The general sent Hernando de Alvarudo
back to Ciouye to demand some gold brace-
lets which this Turk said they had taken
from him at the time they captured him ,
Alvarado went, and was received as a friend
at the village, and when he demanded the
bracelets they said they knew nothing at all
about them, saying the Turk was deceiving
him and was lying. Captain Alvarado, see-
ing that there were no other means, got the
Captajn 'Whiskers and the governor to come
to his tent, and when they had come he put
them in chains. The villagers prepared to
fight, and let fly their arrows, denouncing
Hernando de Alvarado, and saying that he
was a man who had no respect for peace and
friendship. Hernando de Alvarado started
back to Tiguex, where the general kept them
prisoners more than six months. This be-
gan the want of confidence in the word of
the Spaniards whenever there was talk of
peace from this time on, as will be seen by
what happened afterward.
CHAPTER XIV
Of bow the army went from Cibola to Tiguex and
what happened to them on the war, on account of
the snow.
We nave already said that when the gen-
eral started from Cibola, he left orders for
Don Tristan de Arellano to start twenty days
later. He did so as soon as he saw that the
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THE JOUBNET OP COHONADO
men were well tested and provided with food
and eager to start off to find their general.
He set off with his force toward Tiguex, and
the first day they made their camp in the
best, largest, and finest village of that (Cibola)
province. 1 This is the only village that has
houses with seven stories. In this village
certain houses are used as fortresses; they
are higher than the others and set up above
them like towers, and there are embrasures
and loopholes in them for defending the roofs
of the different stories, because, like the other
villages, they do not have streets, and the
fiat roofs are all of a height and are used in
common. The roofs have to be reached first,
and these upper houses are the means of de-
fending them. It began to snow on us there,
and the force took refuge under the wings of
the village, which extend out like balconies,
with wooden pillars beneath, because they
generally use ladders to go up to those bal-
conies, since they do not have any doors
below.
The army continued its march from here
after it stopped snowing, and as the season
had already advanced into December, during
the ten days that the army was delayed, it
did not fail to snow during the evenings and
nearly every night, so that they had to clear
away a large amount of enow when they
came to where they wanted to make a camp.
1 This was Muteaki, at the northwestern base of
Thunder mountain, about 18 miles from Hawikub,
where the advance force had encamped.
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THE JOURNEY OP CORONADO
The road could not be seen, but the guides
managed to find it, as they knew the coun-
try. There are junipers and pines all over
the country, which they used in picking
large brushwood fires, the smoke and heat of
which melted the snow from 2 to 4 yards
all around the fire. It was a dry snow,
so that although it fell on the baggage and
covered it for half a man's height it did
not hurt it. It fell all night long, covering'
the baggage and the soldiers and their beds,
piling up in tie air, so that if any one had
suddenly come upon the army nothing
would have been seen but mountains of
snow. The horses stood half buried in it.
It kept those who were underneath warm
instead of cold. The army passed by the
great rock of Acuco, and the natives, who
were peaceful, entertained our men well, giv-
ing them provisions and birds, although
there are not many people here, as I have
said. Many of the gentlemen went up to
the top to see it, and they had great difficulty
in going up the steps in the rock, because
they were not used to them, for the natives
go up and down so easily that they carry
loads and the women carry water, and they
do not seem even to touch their hands, al-
though our men had to pass their weapons
up from one to another.
From here they went on to Tiguex, where-
they were well received and taken care of,
and the great good news of the Turk gave
no little joy and helped lighten their hard
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THE JOURNEY OP CORONADO
labors, although when the army arrived we
found the whole country or province in re-
volt, for reasons which were not slight in
themselves, as will be shown, and our men
had also burnt a village the day before the
army arrived, and returned to the camp.
CHAPTER XV
_ „ ex revolted, and how
vithout being to blame for It.
It has been related how the general
reached Tiguex, where he found Don Garcia
Lopez de Cardenas and Hernando de Alva-
rado, and how he sent the latter back to
Cicuye, where he took the Captain Whiskers
and the governor of the village, who was an
old man, prisoners. The people of Tiguex
did not feel well about this seizure.
In addition to this, the general wished to
obtain some clothing to divide among his
soldiers, and for this purpose he summoned
one of the chief Indians of Tiguex, with
whom he had already had much intercourse
and with whom he was on good terms, who
was called Juan Aleman by our men, after a
Juan gentleman who lived in Mexico, whom
he was said to resemble. The general told
him that he must furnish about three hun-
dred or more pieees of cloth, which he needed
to give his people. He said that he was not
able to do this, but that it pertained to the
governors; and that besides this, they would
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THE JOURNEY OP COBONADO
have to consult together and divide it among
the villages, and that it was necessary to
make the demand of each town separately.
The general did this, and ordered certain of
the gentlemen who were with him to go and
make the demand; and as there were twelve
villages, some of them went on one side of
the river and some on the other. As they
were in very great need, they did not give
the natives a chance to consult about it, hut
when they came to a village they demanded
what they had to give, so that they could
proceed at once. Thus these people could
do nothing except take off their own cloaks
and give them to make up the number de-
manded of them. And some of the soldiers
who were in these parties, when the collec-
tors gave them some blankets or cloaks which
were not such as they wanted, if they saw
any Indian with a better one on, they ex-
changed with him without more ado, not
stopping to find out the rank of the man.
they were stripping, which caused not a lit-
tle hard feeling.
i Besides what I have just said, one whom
I will not name, out of regard for him, left
the village where the camp was and wenb to
another village about a league distant, and
seeing a pretty woman there he called her
husband down to hold his horse by the bri-
dle while he went up; and as the village
was entered by the upper story, the Indian
supposed he was going to some other part of
it. While he was there the Indian heard
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THE JOURNEY OF COItONADO
some slight noise, and then the Spaniard
came down, took his horse, and went away.
The Indian went up and learned that he had
violated, or tried to violate, his wife, and bo
he came with the important men of the town
to complain that a man had violated his
wife, and he told how it happened. When
the general made all the soldiers and the
persons who were with him come together,
the Indian did not recognize the man, either
because he had changed his clothes or for
whatever other reason there may have been,
bat he said that he could tell the horse, be-
cause he had held his bridle, and so be was
taken to the stablee, and found the horse,
and said that the master of the horse must
be the man. He denied doing it, seeing
that he had not been recognized, and it may
be that the Indian was mistaken in the
horse; anyway, he went off without getting
any satisfaction.' The next day one of the
Indians, who was guarding the horses of the
army, came running in, saying that a com-
panion of his had been killed, and that the
Indiana of the country were driving off the
horses toward their villages. The Spaniards
tried to collect the horses again, but many
were lost, besides seven of the general's
mules.
The next day Don Garcia Lopez de Car-
denas went to see the villages and talk with
1 The instruct! on a which Hendoza gave to Alareon
show how carefully the viceroy tried to guard
against any such trouble with the natives.
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THE JOURNEY OP CORONADO
the natives. He found the villages closed
by palisades and a great noise inside, the
horses being chased as in a bull fight and shot
with arrows. They were all ready for fight-
ing. Nothing could be done, because they
would not come down on to the plain and
the villages are so strong that the Spaniards
could not dislodge them. The general then
ordered Don Garcia Lopez de Cardenas to
go and surround one village with all the rest
of the force. This village was the one where
the greatest injury had been done and where
the affair with the Indian woman occurred.
Several captains who had gone on in ad-
vance with the general, Juan de Saldivar and
Barrionuevo and Diego Lopez and Melgosa,
took the Indians so much by surprise that
they gained the upper story, with great dan-
ger, for they wounded many of our men from
within the houses. Our men were on top
of the houses in great danger for a day and a
night and part of the next day, and they
made some good shots with their crossbows
and muskets. The horsemen on the plain
with many of the Indian allies from New
Spain smoked them out from the cellars * into
which they had broken, so that they begged
for peace.
Pablo de Melgosa and Diego Lopez, the
alderman from Seville, were left on the roof
and answered the Indians with the same
'Evidently the underground, or partially under-
ground, ceremonial chambers or kivaa.
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THE JOURNEY OP CORONADO
signs they were making for peace, which
waa to make a cross. They then put down
their arms and received pardon. They were
taken to the tent of Don Garcia, who, accord-
ing to what he said, did not know about the
peace and thought that they had given them-
selves up of their own accord because they
had been conquered. As he had been or-
dered by the general not to take them
alive, but to make an example of them so
that the other natives would fear the Span-
iards, he ordered 200 stakes to be prepared
at once to burn them alive. Nobody told
him about the peace that had been granted
them, for the soldiers knew as little as he,
and those who should have told him about
it remained silent, not thinking that it was
any of their business. Then when the ene-
mies saw that the Spaniards were binding
them and beginning to roast them, about a
hundred men who were in the tent began to
struggle and defend themselves with what
there was there and with the stakes they
could seize. Our men who were on foot
attacked the tent on all sides, so that there
was great confusion around it, and then the
horsemen chased those who escaped. As
the country was level, not a man of them
remained alive, unless it was some who re-
mained hidden in the village and escaped
that night to spread throughout the country
the news that the strangers did not respect
the peace they had made, which afterward
proved a great misfortune. After this was
81
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THE JOURNEY OP CORONADO
over, it began to snow, and they abandoned
the village and returned to the camp juat aa
the army came from Cibola.
CHAPTEB XVI
. besieged Tlguei i
what happened during the siege.
As I have already related, it began to
snow in that country juat after they captured
the village, and it anowed so much that foi
the next two months it was impossible to do
anything except to go along the roads to ad-
vise them to make peace and tell them that
they would be pardoned and might consider
themselves safe, to which they replied that
they did not trust those who did not know
how to keep good faith after they had once
given it, and that the Spaniards should re-
member that they were keeping Whiskers
prisoner and that they did not keep their
word when they burned those who surren-
dered in the village. Don Garcia Lopez de
Cardenas was one of those who went to give
this notice. He started out with about
30 companions and went to the village of
Tiguex to talk with Juan Aleman. Al-
though they were hostile, they talked with
him and said that if he wished to talk with
them he must dismount and they would
come out and talk with him about a peace,
and that if he would send away the horse-
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THB JOUBMET OP COBONADO
men and make his men keep away, Juan
Aleman and another captain would come
out of the village and meet him. Every-
thing was done as they required, and then
when they approached they said that they
had no arms and that he must take his off.
Don Garcia Lopez did this in order to give
them confidence, on account of his great de-
sire to get them to make peace. When he
met them, Juan Aleman approached and
embraced him vigorously, while the other
two who had come with him drew two mal-
lets ' which they had hidden behind their
backs and gave him two such blows over his
helmet that they almost knocked him sense-
less. Two of the soldiers on horseback had
been unwilling to go very far off, even when
he ordered them, and so they were near by
and rode up so quickly that they rescued
him from their hands, although they were
unable to catch the enemies because the
meeting was so near the village that of the
great shower of arrows which were shot at
them one arrow hit a horse and went
through his nose. The horsemen all rode
up together and hurriedly carried off their
captain, without being able to harm the
enemy, while many of our men were dan-
gerously wounded.
They then withdrew, leaving a number of
men to continue the attack. Don Garcia
Lopez de Cardenas went on with a part of
1 Wooden warclubs shaped like potato-mashers.
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THE JOUHNEY OP CORONADO
the force to another village about half a
league distant, because almost all the people
in this region had collected into these two
villages. As they paid no attention to the
demands made on them except by shooting
arrows from the upper stories with loud
yells, and would not hear of peace, he re-
turned to his companions whom he had left
to keep up the attack of Tiguex. A large
number of those in the village came out and
our men rode off slowly, pretending to flee,
so that they drew the enemy on to the plain,
and then turned on them and caught several
of their leaders. The rest collected on the
roofs of the village and the captain returned
to his camp.
After this affair the general ordered the
army to go and surround the village. He
set out with his men in good order, one day,
with several scaling ladders. When he
reached the village, he encamped his force
near by, and then began the siege; but as
the enemy had had several days to provide
themselves with stores, they threw down
such quantities of rocks upon our men that
many of them were laid out, and they
wounded nearly a hundred with arrows,
several of whom afterward died on account
of the bad treatment by an unskillful surgeon
who was with the army. The siege lasted
fifty days, during which time several assaults
were made. The lack of water was what
troubled the T^diana most. They dug a
very deep well inside the village, but were
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THE JOtTRNEY OP COBONADO
not able to get water, and while they were
making it, it fell in and killed 30 persona.
Two hundred of the besieged died in the
fights. One day when there was a hard
fight, they killed Francisco de Obando, a
captain who had been army-master all the
time that Don Garcia Lopez de Cardenas was
away making the discoveries already de-
scribed, and also Francisco Pobares, a fine
gentleman. Our men were unable to pre-
vent them from carrying Francisco de Oban-
do inside the village, which was regretted
not a little, because he was a distinguished
person, besides being honored on his own
account, affable and much beloved, which
was noticeable.
One day, before the capture was com-
pleted, they asked to speak to us, and said
that, since they knew we would not harm
the women and children, they wished to
surrender their women and sons, because
they were using up their water. It was im-
possible to persuade them to make peace,
as they said that the Spaniards would not
keep an agreement made with them. So
they gave up about a hundred persons, wom-
en and boys, who did not want to leave
them. Don Lope de Urrea rode up in front
of the town without his helmet and received
the boys and girls in his arms, and when all
of these had been surrendered, Don Lope
begged them to make peace, giving them
the strongest promises for their safety.
They told him to go away, as they did not
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THE JOURNOT OP CORONADO
wish to trust themselves to people who had
no regard for friendship or their own word
which they had pledged. As he seemed
unwilling to go away, one of them put an
arrow in his bow ready to shoot, and threat-
ened to shoot him with it unless he went
off, and they warned him to put on his hel-
met, but he was unwilling to do so, saying
that they would not hurt him as long as he
stayed there. When the Indian saw that
he did not want to go away, he shot and
planted his arrow between the fore feet of
the horse, and then put another arrow in his
bow and repeated that if he did not go away
he would really shoot him. Don Lope put
on his helmet and slowly rode back to
where the horsemen were, without receiv-
ing any harm from them. When they
saw that he was really in safety, they
began to shoot arrows in showers, with
loud yells and cries. The general did not
want to make an assault that day, in order
to see if they could be brought in some
way to make peace, which they would not
Fifteen days later they decided to leave
the*village one night, and did so, taking the
women in their midst. They started about
the fourth watch, in the very early morning,
on the side where the cavalry was. The
alarm was given by those in the camp of
Don Eodrigo Maldonado. The enemy at-
tacked them and killed one Spaniard and a
horse and wounded others, but they were
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THE JOURNEY OF CORONADO
driven back with great slaughter until they
came to the river, where the water flowed
swiftly and very cold. They threw them-
selves into this, and as the men had coma
quickly from the whole camp to assist the
cavalry, there were few who escaped being
killed or wounded. Some men from the
camp went across the river next day and
found many of them who had been over-
come by the great cold. They brought
these back, cured them, and made serv-
ants of them. This ended that siege,
and the town was captured, although there
were a few who remained in one part of
the town and were captured a few days
later.
Two captains, Don Diego de Guevara and
Juan de Saldivar, bad captured the other
large village after a siege. Having started
out very early one morning to make an am-
buscade in which to catch some warriors
who used to come out every morning to try
to frighten our camp, the spies, who had
been placed where they could see when they
were coming, saw the people come out and
proceed toward the country. The soldiers
left the ambuscade and went to the village
and saw the people fleeing. They pursued
and killed large numbers of them. At the
same time those in the camp were ordered
to go over the town, and they plundered it,
making prisoners of all the people who were
found in it, amounting to about a hundred
women and children. This siege ended the
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THE JOURNEY OP COBONADO
last of March, in the year '42. 1 Other
things had happened in the meantime, which
would have been noticed, but that it would
have cut the thread. I have omitted them,
but will relate them now, so that it will be
possible to understand what follows.
CHAPTER XVII
Of how messengers reached the army from the
valley of SeBora and how Captain Melchior Diaz
died on the expedition to the Firebrand river.
We have already related how Captain
Melchior Diaz crossed the Firebrand river
on rafts, in order to continue his discoveries
farther in that direction. About the time
the siege ended, messengers reached the
army from the city of San Hieronimo with
letters from Diego de Alarcon, 1 who had re-
mained there in the place of Melchior Diaz.
These contained the news that Melchinr
Diaz had died while he was conducting his
search, and that the force had returned with-
out finding any of the things they were after.
It all happened in this fashion :
After they had crossed the river they con-
tinued their search for the coast, which here
turned back toward the south, or between
south and east, because that arm of the sea
'Professor Haynes corrected the error tn a note In
Wlnsor's Narrative and Critical History, vol. ii., p.
491, saying that " it is evident that the siege must
have been concluded early In 1541."
■ Should be Alcaraz.
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THE JOURNEY OP CORONADO
enters the land due north and this river,
which brings its waters down from the north,
flowing toward the south, enters the head of
the gull. Continuing in the direction they
had been going, they came to some sand
banks of hot ashes which it was impossible
to cross without being drowned as in the sea.
The ground they were standing on trembled
like a sheet of paper, so that it seemed as
if there were lakes underneath them. It
seemed wonderful and like something infer-
nal, for the ashes to bubble up here in sev-
eral places. After they had gone away from
this place, on account of the danger they
seemed to be in and of the lack of water,
one day a greyhound belonging to one of the
soldiers chased some sheep which they were
taking along for food. When the captain
noticed this, he threw his lance at the dog
while his horse was running, so that it stuck
up in the ground, and not being able to stop
his horse he went over the lance so that it
nailed him through the thighs and the iron
came out behind, rupturing his bladder.
After this the soldiers turned back with
their captain, having to fight every day with
the Indians, who had remained hostile. He
lived about twenty days, during which they
proceeded with great difficulty on account of
the necessity of carrying him. They re-
turned in good order without losing a man,
until he died, and after that they were re-
lieved of the greatest difficulty. When they
reached Sefiora, Alcaraz dispatched the mes-
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THE JOURNEY OP CORONADO
Bangers already referred to, so that the gen-
eral might know of this and also that some of
the soldiers were ill disposed and had caused
several mutinies, and that he had sentenced
two of them to the gallows, but they had
afterward escaped from the prison.
When the general learned this, he sent
Don Pedro de Tovar to that city to sift ont
some of the men. He was accompanied by
messengers whom the general sent to Don
Antonio de Mendoza the viceroy, with an
account of what had occurred and with the
good news given by the Turk. When Don
Pedro de Tovar arrived there, he found that
the natives of that province had killed a sol-
dier with a poisoned arrow, which had made
only a very little wound in one hand. Sev-
eral soldiers went to the place where this
happened to see about it, and they were not
very well received. Don Pedro de Tovar
sent Diego de Alcaraz with a force to seize
the chiefs and lords of a village in what they
call the Valley of Knaves (de Ios Vellacoa),
which is in the hills. After getting there
and taking these men prisoners, Diego de
Alcaraz decided to let them go in exchange
for some thread and cloth and other things
which the soldiers needed. Finding them-
selves free, they renewed the war and at-
tacked them, and as they were strong and
had poison, they kille d several Spaniards
and wounded others so that they died on the
way back. They retired toward the town,
and if they had not had Indian allies from
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THE JOURNEY OP CORONADO
the country of the Hearts, it would have
gone worse with them. They got back to
the town, leaving 17 soldiers dead from
the poison. They would die in agony
from only a small wound, the bodies break-
ing out with an insupportable pestilential
stink. When Don Pedro de Tovar saw the
harm done, and as it seemed to them that
they could not safely stay in that city, he
moved 40 leagues toward Cibola into the
valley of Suya, where we will leave them, in
order to relate what happened to the general
and bis army after the siege of Tiguez.
CHAPTER XVHI
Of bow the general managed to leave the country
In peace bo as to go In search of Quivira, where the
Turk said there was the most wealth.
During the siege of Tiguez the general
decided to go to Cicuye and take the gover-
nor with him, in order to give him his liberty
and to promise them that he would give
Whiskers his liberty and leave him in the
village, as soon as he should start for Qui-
vira. He was received peacefully when he
reached Cicuye, and entered the village with
several soldiers. They received their gover-
nor with much joy and gratitude. After
looking over the village and speaking with
the natives, he returned to his army, leaving
Cicuye at peace, in the hope of getting back
their captain Whjskers.
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THE JOURNEY OP CORONADO
After the siege was ended, as we have
already related, he Bent a captain to Chia,
a fine village with many people, which had
sent to offer its submission. It was 4
leagues distant to the west of the river.
They found it peaceful and gave it four
bronze cannon, which were in poor condition,
to take care of. Six gentlemen also went to
Quirix, a province with seven villages. At
the first village, which had about a hundred
inhabitants, the natives fled, not daring to
wait for our men ; but they headed them off
by a short cut, riding at full speed, and then
they returned to their houses in the village
in perfect safety, and then told the other
villagers about it and reassured them. In
this way the entire region was reassured, lit-
tle by little, by the time the ice in the river
was broken up and it became possible to ford
the river and so to continue the journey.
The twelve villages of Tiguex, however, were
not repopulated at all during the time the
army was there, in spite of every promise of
security that could possibly be given to them.
And when the river, which for almost
four months had been frozen over so that
they crossed the ice on horseback, had
thawed out, orders were given for the start
for Quivira, where the Turk said there was
some gold and silver, although not so much
as in Arche and the Guaes. There were
already some in the army who suspected the
Turk, because a Spaniard named Servantes, 1
1 Or Cervantes.
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THE JOURNEY OP COBONADO
who had charge of him during the siege,
solemnly swore that he had Been the Turk
talking with the devil in a pitcher of water,
and also that while he had him under lock
so that no one could speak to him, the Turk
had asked him what Christians had been
killed by the people at Tiguex. He told
him "nobody," and then the Turk answered:
" You lie ; five Christians are dead', includ-
ing a captain." And aa Cervantes knew
that he told the truth, he confessed it bo as
to find out who had told him about it, and
the Turk said he knew it all by himself and
that he did not need to have anyone tell him
in order to know it. And it was on account
of this that he watched him and saw him
speaking to the devil in the pitcher, as I
have said.
While all this was going on, preparations
were being made to start from Tiguex. At
this time people came from Cibola to see the
general, and he charged them to take good
care of the Spaniards who were coming from
Seflora with Don Pedro de Tovar. He gave
them letters to give to Don Pedro, informing
him what he ought to do and how he should
go to find the army, and that he would find
letters under the crosses which the army
would put up along the way. The army
left Tiguex on the 5th of May ' and returned
to Cicuye, which, as I have said, is twenty-
he started April 28d.
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THE. JOURNEY OF CORONADO
five marches, which means leagues, from
there, taking 'Whiskers with them. Arrived
there, he gave them their captain, who al-
ready went about freely with a guard. The
village was very glad to see him, and the
people were peaceful and offered food. The
governor and Whiskers gave the general a
young fellow called Xabe, a native of Qui-
vira, who could give them information about
the country. This fellow said that there
was gold and silver, but not so much of it
as the Turk had said. The Turk, however,
continued to declare that it was as he had
said. He went as a guide, and thus the
army started off from here.
CHAPTER XIX
The army started from Cicuye, leaving
the village at peace and, as it seemed, con-
tented, and under obligations to maintain
the friendship because their governor and
- captain had been restored to them. Pro-
ceeding toward the plains, which are all on
the other side of the mountains, after four
days' journey they came to a river with a
large, deep current, which flowed down to-
ward Cicuye, and they named this the Cicuye
river.' They had to stop here to make a
'The Rio Pecos.
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THE JOUBNEY OF CORONADO
bridge So as to cross it. It was finished it
four days, by much diligence and r&p!.'
work, and as Boon as it was done the whofe
army and the animals crossed. After ten
days more they came to some settlements of
people who lived like Arabs and who are
called Querechos in that region. They had
seen the cows for two days. These folks
live in tents made of the tanned skins of the
cows. They travel around near the cows,
killing them for food. They did nothing
unusual when they saw our army, except to
come out of their tents to look at us, after
which they came to talk with the advance
guard, and aaked who we were. The gene-
ral talked with them, but as they had al-
ready talked with the Turk, who was with
the advance guard, they agreed with what
he had said. That they were very intelli-
gent is evident from the fact that although
they conversed by means of signs they made
themselves understood so well that there was
no need of an interpreter. 1 They said that
there was a very large river over toward
where the sun came from, and that one
could go along this river through an inhab-
ited region for ninety days without a break
from settlement to settlement. They said
that the first of these settlements was called
Haxa, and that the river was more than a
■There is an elaborate account of the sign Ian-
■ ■ — ' " Trick Mallery,Tn the
a of Ethnology, 187&-
a ii, Google
THE JOURNEY OP CORONADO
league wide and that there were many ca-
noes on it. These folks started off from
here next day with a lot of dogs which,
dragged their possessions.
For two days, during which the army
marched in the same direction as that in
which they had coma from the settlements
— that is, between north and east, but more
toward the north — they aaw other roaming
Querechos and such great numbers of cows
that it already seemed something incredible.
These people gave a great deal of information
about settlements, all toward the east from
where we were.! Here Don Garcia broke his
arm and a Spaniard got lost who went off
hunting so far that he was unable to return
to the camp, because the country is very
level. The Turk said it was one or two
days to Haya (Haxa). The general sent
Captain Diego Lopez with ten companions
lightly equipped and a guide to go at full
speed toward the sunrise for two days and
discover Haxa, and then return to meet the
army, which set out in the same direction
_jiext day. They came across so many ani-
mals that those who were on the advance
guard killed a large number of bulls. As
these fled they trampled one another in their
haste until they came to a ravine. So many
of the animals fell into this that they filled
it up, and the rest went across on top of
them. The men who were chasing them on
horseback fell in among the animals without
noticing where they were going. Three of
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THE JOURNEY OF CORONADO
the horses that fell in among the cows, all
saddled and bridled, were loet sight of com-
pletely. «
As it seemed to the general that Diego
Lopez ought to be on his way back, he sent
six of bis companions to follow up the banks
of the little river, and as many more down
the banks, to look for traces of the horses at
the trails to and from the river. It was im-
possible to find tracks in this country, be-
cause the graBs straightened up again as soon
as it was trodden down. They were found
by some Indians from the army who had
gone to look for fruit. These got track of
them a good league off, and soon came up
with them. They followed the river down
to the camp, and told the general that in
the 20 leagues they had been over they had
seen nothing but cows and the sky. There
was another native of Quivira with the army,
a painted Indian named Ysopete. This In-
dian had always declared that the Turk was
lying, and on account of this the army paid
no attention to him, and even now, although
he said that the Querechos had consulted
with him, Ysopete was not believed.
The general sent Bon Kodrigo Maldonado,
with his company, forward from here. He
traveled four days and reached a large ravine
like those of Colima, 1 in the bottom of which
he found a large settlement of people. Ca-
1 The reference is clearly to the district of Colima
in western Mexico, where one of the earliest Spanish
settlements was made.
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THE JOURNEY OF CORONADO
beza de Yaca and Dorantes bad passed
through this place, so that they presented
Don Kodrigo with a pile of tanned skins and
other things, and a tent as big as a house,
which he directed them to keep until the
army came up. He sent some of his com-
panions to guide the army to that place, so
that they should not get lost, although he
had been making piles of stones and cow
dung for the army to follow. This was the
way in which the army was guided by the
advance guard.
When the general came up with the army
and saw the great quantity of skins, he
thought he would divide them among the
men, and placed guards so that they could
look at them. But when the men arrived
and saw that the general was sending some
of his companions with orders for the guards
to give them some of the skins, and that
these were going to select the best, they
were angry because they were not going to
be divided evenly, and made a rush, and in
less than a quarter of an hour nothing was
left but the empty ground.
The natives who happened to see this
also took a hand in it. The women and
some others were left crying, because they
thought that the strangers were not going to
take anything, but would bless them as Ca-
beza de Yaca and Dorantes had done when
they passed through here. They found an
Indian girl here who was as white as a Cas-
tilian lady, except that she had her chin
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THE JOURNEY OF CORONADO
painted like a Moorish woman. In general
they all paint themselves in this way here,
and they decorate their eyes.
CHAPTER XX
Of bow great stones fell In the camp, and how
they discovered another ravine, where the army was
divided into two parts.
While the army was resting in this ra-
vine, aa wo have related, a tempest came up
one afternoon with a very high wind and
hail, and in a very short space of time a
great quantity of hailstones, as big as bowls,
or bigger, fell as thick as raindrops, so that
in places they covered the ground two or
three spans or more deep. And one hit the
horse — or I should say, there was not a
horse that did not break away, except two
or three which the negroes protected by
holding large sea nets over them, with the
_ helmets and shields which all the rest wore ;
and some of them dashed up on to the sides
of the ravine so that they got them down
with great difficulty. If this had struck
them while they were upon the plain, the
army would have been in great danger of
being left without its horses, as there were
many which they were not able to cover.
The hail broke many tents, and battered
many helmets, and wounded many of the
horses, and broke all the crockery of the
army, and the gourds, which was no small
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THE JOURNEY OF CORONADO
loss, because they do not Have any crockery
in this region. They do not make gourds,
nor sow com, nor eat bread, but instead raw
meat — or only half cooked — and fruit.
From here the general sent out to explore
the country, and they found another settle-
ment fourdays from there 1 . . . The coun-
try was well inhabited, and they had plenty
of kidney beans and prunes like those of
Castile, and tall vineyards. These village
settlements extended for three days. This
was called Cona. Some TeyaB,* as these
people are called, went with the army from
here and traveled as far as the end of the
other settlements with their packs of dogs
and women and children, and then they
gave them guides to proceed to a large ravine
where the army was. They did not let these
guides speak with the Turk and did not re-
ceive the same statements from these as they
had from the others. These said that Qui-
vira was toward the north, and that we
would not find any good road thither. After
this they began to believe Tsopete. The
ravine which the army had now reached was
a league wide from one side to the other,
with a little bit of a river at the bottom, and
there were many groves of mulberry trees
near it, and rosebushes with the same sort
1 A man era de alixares. The margin reads AJex-
eres. The word means threshing floor.
* Bandelier suggests that the name may have origi-
nated in the Indian exclamation, Texia! Texia! —
friends ! friends! — with which tkey first greeted the
Spaniards.
70
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THE JOURMEY OP CORONADO
of fruit that they have in France. They
made verjuice from, the unripe grapes at this
ravine, although there were ripe ones.
There were walnuts and the same kind of
fowls as in New Spain, and large quantities
of prunes like those of Castile. During this
journey a Teya was seen to shoot a bull
right through both shoulders with an arrow,
which would be a good shot for a musket.
These people are very intelligent ; the women
are well made and modest. They cover
their whole body. They wear shoes and
buskins made of tanned skin. The women
wear cloaks over their small under petticoats,
with sleeves gathered up at the shoulders,
all of skin, and some wore something like
little sanbenitos 1 with a fringe, which
reached half-way down the thigh over the
petticoat.
The army rested several days in this ra-
■Capt. John Stevens's New Dictionary says the
aanbenito was " the badge put upon converted Jews
brought oat by the Inquisition, being in the nature
of a scapula or a broad piece of cloth hanging before
and behind, with a large Saint Andrews cross on it,
red and yellow. The name corrupted from Saco
Benito, answerable to the sackcloth worn by peni-
tents in the primitive church." Robert Tomson, in
his Voyage into Nova Hispania, 155S, In Hakluyt,
ill., 536, describes his imprisonment by the Holy
Office in the city of Mexico: "Wewere brought into
tile Church, euery one with a S. Benito vpon his
backe, which is a halfe a yard of yellow cloth, with
a hole to put in a mans head in the middest, and cast
ouer a mans head : both flaps hang one before, and
another behinde, and in the middest of euery flap, a
S. Andrewes crosse, made of red cloth, sowed on
vpon the same, and that is called S. Benito."
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THE JOURNEY OP CORONADO
vine and explored the country. Up to this
point they had made thirty-seven days'
marches, traveling 6 or 7 leagues a day. lb
had been the duty of one man to measure
and count his steps. They found that it
was 250 leagues to the settlements. 1 When
the general Francisco Vazquez realized this,
arid saw that they had been deceived by the
Turk heretofore, and as the provisions were
giving out and there was no country around
here where they could procure more, he
called the captains and ensigns together to
decide on what they thought ought to be
done. They all agreed that the general
should go in search of Quivira with thirty
horsemen and half a dozen foot-soldiers, and
that Don Tristan de Arellano should go back
to Tiguex with all the army. When the
men in the army learned of this decision,
they begged their general not to leave them
to conduct the further search, but declared
that they all wanted to die with him and
did not want to go back. This did not do
any good, although the general agreed to
send messengers to them within eight days
saying whether it was best for them to fol-
low hi m or not, and with this he set off with,
the guides be had and with Ysopete. The
Turk was taken along in chains.
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THE JOURNEY OP CORONADO
CHAPTER XX I
The general started from the ravine with
the guides that the Teyas had given him.
He appointed the alderman Diego Lopez Mb
army-master, and took with him the men
who seemed to him to be most efficient, and
the best horses. The army still had some
hope that the general would send for them,
and sent two horsemen, lightly equipped and
riding post, to repeat their petition.
The general arrived — I mean, the guides
ran away during the first few days and
Diego Lopez had to return to the army for
guides, bringing orders for the army to re-
turn to Tiguex to find food and wait there
for the general. The Teyas, as before, will-
ingly furnished him with new guides. The
army waited for its messengers and spent a
fortnight here, preparing jerked beef to take
with them. It was estimated that during
this fortnight they killed 500 bulls. The
number of these that were there without any
cows was something incredible. Many fel-
lows were lost at this time who went out
hunting and did not get back to the army
for two or three days, wandering about the
country as if they were crazy, in one direc-
tion or another, not knowing how to get
back where they started from, although this
78
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THE JOURNEY/ OF COBONADO
ravine extended in either direction so that
they could find it. Every night they took
account of who was missing, fired guns and
blew trumpets and beat drums and built
great fires, but yet some of them went off so
far and wandered about so much that all this
did not give them any help, although it
helped others. The only way was to go
back where they had killed an animal and
start from there in one direction and another
until they struck the ravine or fell in with
somebody who could put them on the right
road. It is worth noting that the country
there is so level that at midday, after one
has wandered about in one direction and an-
other in pursuit of game, the only thing to
do is to stay near the game quietly until
sunset, so as to see where it goes down, and
even then they have to be men who are
practiced to do it. Those who are not, had
to trust themselves to others.
The general followed his guides until he
reached Quivira, which took forty-eight
days' marching, on acount of the great de-
tour they had made toward Florida. He
was received peacefully on account of the
guides whom he had. They asked the Turk
why he had lied and had guided them so far
out of their way. He said that his country
was in that direction and that, besides this,
the people at Cicuye had asked him to lead
them off on to the plains and lose them, so
that the horses would die when their provi-
sions gave out, and they would be so weak
74
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THE JOTJRNEY OF CORONADO
if they ever returned that they would be
killed without any trouble, and thus they
could take revenge for what had been done
to them. This was the reason why he had
led them astray, supposing that they did not
know how to hunt or to live without com,
while as for the gold, he did not know where
there was any of it. He said this like one
who had given up hope and who found that
he was being persecuted, since they had
begun to believe Ysopete, who had guided
them better than he had, and fearing lest
those who were there might give some ad-
vice by which some harm would come to
him. They garroted him, which pleased
Ysopete very much, because he had always
said that Ysopete was a rascal and that he
did not know what he was talking about
and had always hindered his talking with
anybody. Neither gold nor silver nor any
trace of either was found among these peo-
ple. Their lord wore a copper plate on his
neck and prized it highly.
The messengers whom the army had sent
to the general returned, as I said, and then,
as they brought no news except what the
alderman had delivered, the army left the
ravine and returned to the Teyas, where
they took guides who led them back by a
more direct road. They readily furnished
these, because these people are always roam-
ing over this country in pursuit of the ani-
mals and so know it thoroughly. They keep
their road in this way : In the morning they
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THE JOURNEY OP COBONADO
notice where the sun risen and observe the
direction they are going to take, and then
shoot an arrow in this direction. Before
reaching this they shoot another over it, and
in this way they go all day toward the water
where they are to end the day. In this way
they covered in 25 daya what had taken
them 37 days going, besides stopping to
hunt cows on the way. They found many
salt lakes on this road, and there was a great
quantity of salt. There were thick pieces of
it on top of the water bigger than tables, as
thick as four or five fingers. Two or three
spans down under water there was salt
which tasted better than that in the floating
pieces, because this was rather bitter. It
was crystalline. All over these plains there
were large numbers of animals like squirrels
and a great number of their holes.
On its return the army reached the Cicuye
river more than 30 leagues below there — I
mean below the bridge they had made when
they crossed it, and they followed it up to
that place. In general, its banks are cov-
ered with a sort of rose bushes, the fruit of
which tastes like muscatel grapes. They
grow on little twigs about as high up as a
man. It has the parsley leaf. There were
unripe grapes and currants (?) and wild mar-
joram. The guides said this river joined
that cf Tiguex more than 20 days from here,
and that its course turned toward the east.
It is believed that it flows into the mighty
river of the Holy Spirit {Espiritu Santo),
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THE JOURNEY OP OORONADO
which the men with Bon Hernando de Soto
discovered in Florida. A painted Indian
woman ran away from Juan de Saldibar and
hid in the ravines about .this time, because
she recognized the country of Tiguex where
she had been a slave. She fell into the
hands of some Spaniards who had entered
the country from Florida to explore it in
tins direction. After I got back to New
Spain I heard them say that the Indian told
them that she had run away from other men
like them nine days, and that she gave the
names of some captains; from which we
ought to believe that we were not far from
the region they discovered, although they
aaid they were more than 200 leagues in-
land. I believe the land at that point is
more than 600 leagues across from sea to
sea.
As I said, the army followed the river up
as far as Cicuye, which it found ready for
war and unwilling to make any advances tow-
ard peace or to give any food to the army.
From there they went on to Tiguex where
several villages had been reinhabited, but
the people were afraid and left them again.
CHAPTER XXII
After Don Tristan de Arellano reached
Tiguex, about the middle of July, in the
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THE JOURNEY OF CORONADO
year '42,' he had provisions collected for the
coming winter. Captain Francisco da Bar-
rionuevo was sent up the river toward the
north with several men. He saw two prov-
inces, one of which was called Hemes and
had seven villages, and the other Yuquey-
nnque.* The inhabitants of Hemes came
out peaceably and furnished provisions. At
Yuqueyunque the whole nation left two very
fine villages which they had on either side
of the river entirely vacant, and went into
the mountains, where they had four very
strong villages in a rough country, where it
was impossible for horses to go. In the two
villages there was a great deal of food and
some very beautiful glazed earthenware with
many figures and different shapes. Here
they also found many bowls full of a care-
fully selected shining metal with which they
glazed the earthenware. This shows that
mines of silver would be found in that
country if they should hunt for them.
There was a large and powerful river, I
mean village, which was called Braba, 20
leagues farther up the river, which our men
called Valkdolid.' The river flowed through
which is occupied by the hamlet of Chamita, oppo-
site Baa Juan. The others are near by.
•Taos, or Te-uat-ha. See Bandelier's Pinal Re-
port, voL t, p. 128, for the identification of these
places.
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THE JOURNEY OF CORONADO
the middle of it. The natives crossed it by-
wooden bridges, made of very long, large,
squared pines. At this village they saw tho
largest and finest hot rooms or estufas that
there were in the entire country, for they
had a dozen pillars, each one of which was
twice as large around as one could reach and
twice as tall as a man. Hernando de Alva-
rado visited this village when he discovered.
Cicuye. The country is very high and very
cold. The river is deep and very swift,
without any ford. Captain Barrionuevo re-
turned from here, leaving the province at.
peace.
Another captain went down the river in:
search of the settlements which the people 1
at Tutahaco had said were several days dis-
tant from there. This captain went down.
80 leagues and found four large villages.
which he left at peace. He proceeded until
he found that the river sank into the earth,
like the Guadiana in Estremadura.' He did .
not go on to where the Indians said that it
came out much larger, because his commis-
sion did not extend for more than 80 leagues
inarch. After this captain got back, as the ■
time had arrived which the captain had set
for his return from Quivira, and as he had
not come back, Don Tristan selected 40
■ This rendering, doubtless correct, ia due to Ter-
naux. The Guadiana, however, reappears above
ground some time before it begins to mark the
boundary of the Spanish province of Estremadura.
The Caatafieda family bad its seat in quite the other
end of the peninsula.
79
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THE JOURNEY OP COBONADO
companions and, leaving the army to Fran-
cisco de Barrionuevo, he started with them
in search of the general
When he reached Cicuye the people came
oat of the village to fight, which detained
him there four days, while he punished
them, which he did by firing some volleys
into the village. These killed several men,
so that they did not come out against the
army, since two of their principal men had
been killed on the first day. Just then
word was brought that the general was com-
ing, and so Don Tristan had to stay there on
this account also, to keep (he road open.
Everybody welcomed the general on his ar-
rival, with great joy. The Indian Xabe,
who was the young fellow who had been
given to the general at Cicuye when he
started off in search of Quivira, was with
Don Tristan de Arellano and when he learned
that the general was coming he acted as if
he was greatly pleased, and said, "Now
when the general comes, you will see that
there is gold and silver in Quivira, although
not so much; as the Turk said." When the
general arrived, and Xabe saw that they had
not found anything, he was sad and silent,
and kept declaring that there was some.
He made many believe that it was so, be-
cause the general had not dared to enter into
the country on account of its being thiokly
settled and his force not very strong, and
that he had returned to lead his army there
after the rains, because it had begun to rain
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THE JOURNEY OP COHONADO
there already, as it was early in August when
he left. It took him forty days to return,
traveling lightly equipped. The Turk had
said when they left Tiguex that they ought
not to load the horses with too much pro-
visions, which would tire them so that they
could not afterward carry the gold and silver,
from which it is very evident that he was
deceiving them.
The general reached Cicuye with his force
and at once set off for Tiguex, leaving the
village more quiet, for they had met him
peaceably and had talked with him. When
he reached Tiguex, he made his plans to
pasB the winter there, so as to return with
the whole army, because it was said that he
brought information regarding large settle-
ments and very large rivers, and that the
country was very much like that of Spain
in the fruits and vegetation and seasons.
They were not ready to believe that there
was no gold there, but instead had suspicions
that there was some farther back in the coun-
try, because, although this was denied, they
knew what the thing was and had a name
for it among themselves — acochis. With
this we end this first part, and now we will
give an account of the provinces,
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SECOND PART
Which Treats of the High Villages
and Provinces and of their Habits
and Customs, as Collected bt Pedbo
de CastaSeda, Native of the City of
Najaba.
Zaua Deo.
It does not seem to me that the reader
will be satisfied with having seen and under-
stood what I have already related about the
expedition, although that has made it easy
to Bee the difference between the report
which told about vast treasures, and the
places where nothing like this was either
found or known. It is to be noted that in
place of settlements great deserts were found,
and instead of populous cities villages of 200
inhabitants and only 800 or 1,000 people in
the largest. I do not know whether this
will furnish grounds for pondering and con-
sidering the uncertainty of this life. To
please these, I wish to give a detailed ac-
count of all the inhabited region seen and
discovered by this expedition, and some of
their ceremonies and habits, in accordance
with what we came to know about them,
and the limits within which each province
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THE JOURNEY OF CORONADO
falls, so that hereafter it may be possible to
understand in what direction Florida lies and
in what direction Greater India; and this
land of New Spain is part of the mainland
with Peru, and with Greater India or China
as well, there not being any strait between
to separate them. On the other hand, the
country is so wide that there is room for
these vast deserts which lie between the two
seas, for the coast of the North sea beyond
Florida stretches toward the BacallaoB ' and
then turns toward Norway, while that of the
South sea turns toward the west, making an-
other bend down toward the south almost
like a bow and stretches away toward India,
leaving room for the lands that border on the
mountains on both sides to stretch out in
such a way as to have between them these
great plains which are full of cattle and
many other animals of different sorts, since
they are not inhabited, as I will relate
farther on. There is every sort of game and
fowl there, but no snakes, for they are free
from these. I will leave the account of the
return of the army to New Spain until I
have shown what slight occasion there was
for this. We will begin our account with
the city of Culiacan, and point out the differ-
ences between the one country and the other,
on account of which one ought to be settled
by Spaniards and the other not. It should
be the reverse, however, with Christians,.
'The Newfoundland region.
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THE JOURNEY OP OORONADO.
since there are intelligent men in one, and
in the other wild wnimalH and worse than
beasts.
CHAPTER I
Of the province of Culiacan and of its habits and
Culiacan is the last place in the New
Kingdom of Galicia, and was the first settle-
ment made by Nufio de Guzman when he
conquered this kingdom. It is 210 leagues
west of Mexico. In this province there are
three chief languages, besides other related
dialects. The first is that of the Tahus,
who are the best and most intelligent race.
They are now the most settled and have re-
ceived the most light from the faith. They
worship idols and make presents to the devil
of their goods and riches, consisting of cloth
and turquoises. They do not eat human
flesh nor sacrifice it. They are accustomed
to keep very large snakes, which they ven-
erate. Among them there are men dressed
like women who marry other men and serve
as their wives. At a great festival they con-
secrate the women who wish to live unmar-
ried, with much singing and dancing, at
which all the chiefs of the locality gather
and dance naked, and after all have danced
with her they put her in a hut that haa been
decorated for this event and the chiefs adorn
her with clothes and bracelets of fine tur-
quoises, and then the chiefs go in one by
84
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THE JODKNET OP CORONADO.
one to lie with her, and all the others who
wish, follow them. From this time on
these women can not refuse anyone who
pays them a certain amount agreed on for
this. Even if they take husbands, this does
not exempt them from obliging anyone who
pays them. The greatest festivals are on
market days. The custom is for the hus-
bands to buy the women whom they marry,
of their fathers and relatives at a high price,
and then to take them to a chief, who is
considered to be a priest, to deflower them
and see if she is a virgin ; and if she is not,
they have to return the whole price, and he
can keep her for his wife or not, or let her
be consecrated, as he chooses. At these
times they all get drunk.
The second language is that of the Pac-
azes, the people who live in the country
between the plains and the mountains.
These people are more barbarous. Some of
them who live near the mountains eat hu-
man flesh. They are great sodomites, and
have many wives, even when these are sis-
ters. They worship painted and sculptured
stones, and are much given to witchcraft and
The third language is that of the Acaxes,
who are in possession of a large part of the
hilly country and all of the mountains.
They go hunting for men just as they hunt
animals. They all eat human flesh, and he
who has the most human bones and skulls
hung up around his house is most feared and
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THE JOURMET OP COHONADO.
respected. They live in settlements and in
very rough country, avoiding the plains. In
passing from one settlement to another, there
is always a ravine in the way which they
can not cross,- although they can talk to-
gether across it. At the slightest call 500
men collect, and on any pretext kill and eat
one another. Thus it has been very hard to
subdue these people, on account of the rough-
ness of the country, which is very great.
Many rich silver mines have been found
in this country. They do not run deep, but
soon give out. The gulf of the sea begins
on the coast of this province, entering the
land 250 leagues toward the north and end-
ing at the mouth of the Firebrand (Tizon)
river. This country forms its eastern limit,
and California the western. From what I
iiave been told by men who had navigated
it, it is 30 leagues across from point to point,
tiecause they lose eight of this country when
they see the other. They say the gulf is
over 150 leagues broad (or deep), from shore
to shore. The coast makes a turn toward
the south at the Firebrand river, bending
down to California, which turns toward the
west, forming that peninsula which was
formerly held to be an island, because it was
a low sandy country. It is inhabited by
brutish, bestial, naked people who eat then-
own offal. The men and women couple like
animals, the female openly getting down on
all fours.
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THE JOTJHHEY OF CORONADO.
CHAPTER II
Petlatlan is a settlement of houses cov-
ered with a sort of mats made of plants.
These are collected into villages, extending
along a river from the mountains to the sea.
The people are of the same race and habits
as the Culuacanian Tahues. There is much
sodomy among them. In the mountain dis-
trict there is a large population and more
settlements. These people have a somewhat
different language from the Tahues, although
they understand each other. It is called
Petlatlan because the houses are made of
petates or palm-leaf mats. 1 Houses of this
sort are found for more than 240 leagues in
this region, to the beginning of the Cibola
wilderness. The nature of the country
changes here very greatly, because from this
point on there are no trees except the pine,
nor are there any fruits except a few tunas,*
mesquites,' and pitahayas.'
Petlatlan is 20 leagues from Culiacan, and
1 Bandelier found the Opata Indians living In
bouses made with "a slight foundation of cobble-
stones which supported a framework of posts stand-
ing in a thin wall of rough stones and mud, while a
slanting roof of yucca oi palm leaves covered the
whole. "—Final Report, pt. L, p. 68.
' The Opuntia tuna or prickly pear.
iProaopUjuliflora. *Cerwt thurberii.
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THE JOURNEY OP CORONADO.
it is 130 leagues from here to the valley of
Sefiora. There ate many rivers between the
two, with settlements of the same sort of
people — for example, Sinoloa, Boyomo, Teo-
como, Yaquimi, and other smaller ones.
There is also the Corazones or Hearts, which
is in our possession, down the valley of Se-
fiora. 1
Sefiora is a river and valley thickly settled
by able-bodied people. The women wear
petticoats of tanned deerskin, and little san
benitos reaching half way down the body.
The chiefs of the villages go up on some lit-
tle heights they have made for this purpose,
like public criers, and there make proclama-
tions for the space of an hour, regulating
those things they have to attend to. They
have some little huts for shrines, all over the
outside of which they stick many arrows,
like a hedgehog. They do this when they
are eager for war. All about this province
toward the mountains there is a large popu-
lation in separate little provinces containing
ten or twelve villages. Seven or eight of
them, of which I know the names, are Comu-
patrico, Mochilagua, Arispa, and the Little
Valley. There are others which we did not
see.
It is 40 leagues from Sefiora to the valley
of Suya. The town of Saint Jerome (San.
Hieronimo) was established in this valley,
where there was a rebellion later, and part
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THE JOURNEY OP OORONADO
of the people who had settled there were
killed, as will be seen in the third part.
There are many villages in the neighborhood
of this valley. The people are the same as
those in SeBora and have the same dress and
language, habits, and customs, like all the
rest aa far as the desert of Chichilticalli
The women paint their chins and eyes like
the Moorish womeu of Barbary. They are
great sodomites. They drink wine made of
the pitahaya, which is the fruit of a great
thistle which opens like the pomegranate.
The wine makes them stupid. They make
a great quantity of preserves from the tuna;
they preserve it in a large amount of its sap
without other honey. They make bread of
the mcsquite, like cheese, which keeps good
for a whole year. 1 There are native melons
in this country so large that a person can
carry only one of them. They cut these
into slices and dry them in the sun. They
are good to eat, and taste like figs, and are
better than dried meat ; they are very good
and sweet, keeping for a whole year when
prepared in this way.'
In this country there were also tame
from the Relacioiics o
Arizona Indians: "Tambien tienen para su sustento
Mescali que es conserva de rata de maguey. " The
strong liquor is made from the root of the Mexican
or American agave.
'These were doubtless cantaloupes. The south-
western Indians still slice and dry them in a manner
[similar to that here described.
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THE JOURNEY OF CORONADO
eagles, which the chiefs esteemed to be
something fine. 1 No fowls of any sort were
seen in any of these villages except in this
valley of Suya, where fowls like those of
Castile were found. Nobody could find out
how they came to be so far inland, the peo-
ple being all at war with one another. Be-
tween Suva and Chichilticalli there are
many sheep and mountain goats with very
large bodies and horns. Some Spaniards
declare that they have seen flocks of more
than a hundred together, which ran so fast
that they disappeared very quickly.
At Chichilticalli the country changes ita
character again and the spiky vegetation
ceases. The reason is that the gulf reaches
as far up as this place, and the mountain
chain changes its direction at the same time
that the coast does. Here they had to cross
and pass through the mountains in order to
get into the level country.
CHAPTER III
Chichilticalli is so called because the
friars found a house at this place which was
formerly inhabited by people who separated
from Cibola. It was made of colored or red-
1 The Pueblo Indians, particularly the Zufli and
Hopi, keep eagles for their feathers, which are high-
ly prized because of their reputed sacred character.
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THE JOURNEY OP CORONADO
dish earth.' The house was large and ap-
peared to have been a fortress. It must
have been destroyed by the people of the
district, who are the most barbarous people
that have yet been seen. They live in sepa-
rate cabins and not in settlements. They
live by hunting. The rest of the country is
all wilderness, covered with pine forests.
There are great quantities of the pine nuts.
The pines are two or three times as high as
a man before they send out branches. There
is a sort of oak with sweet acorns, of which
they make cakes like sugar plums with dried
coriander seeds. It is very sweet, like sugar.
Watercress grows in many springs, and there
are rosebushes, and pennyroyal, and wild
marjoram.
There are barbels and picones, like those
of Spain, in the rivers of this wilderness.
Gray lions and leopards were seen.' The
country rises continually from the beginning
of the wilderness until Cibola is reached,
which is 85 leagues, going north. From
Culiacan to the edge of the wilderness the
route had kept the north on the left hand.
Cibola ' is seven villages. The largest is
Historical Introduction, p. 11, gives references to the
ancient and modern descriptions.
'These were evidently the mountain lion and the
■wild -cat.
•Albert S. Gatschet, In hisZwSlf Sprachen, p. 109,
says that this word is now to be found only in the
dialect of the pueblo of Ialeta, under the form aibti-
loda, buffalo.
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THB JOURHEY OF CORONADO
called Macaque. 1 The houses are ordinarily
three or four stories high, but in Macaque
there are houses with four and seven stories.
These people are very intelligent. They
cover their privy parts and all the immodest
parts with cloths made like a sort of table
napkin, with fringed edges and a tassel at
each corner, which they tie over the hips.
They wear long robes of feathers and of the
skins of hares and cotton blankets.' The
women wear blankets, which they tie or
knot over the left shoulder, leaving the right
arm out. These serve to cover the body.
They wear a neat well-shaped outer garment
of skin. They gather their hair over the
two ears, making a frame which looks like
an old-fashioned headdress.'
1 MatsakI, the ruins of which are at the northwest-
ern base of Thunder mountain. See Bandelier's
Final Report, pt. i., p. 183, and Hodge, First Dis-
covered City of Cibola.
■ The mantles of rabbit hair are still worn at Moki,
but those of turkey plumes are out of use altogether.
See Bandelier's Final Report, pt. 1., pp. 87 and 168.
They used also the fiber of the yucca a*nd agave for
making clothes.
* J. G. Owens, Hopi Natal Ceremonies, in Journal
of American Archaeology and Ethnology, vol. li., p.
165 it., says; "Thedressof the HopiJ Moki, orTusay-
an] women consists of a, black blanket about Si feet
square, folded around the body from the left side.
It passes under the left arm and over the right
shoulder, being sewed together on the right sue,
except a bole about 8 inches long near the upper
end through which the arm is thrust. This is belted
in at the waist by a sash about 8 Inches wide. Some-
times, though not frequently, a shirt is worn under
this garment, and a piece of muslin, tied together by
two adjacent corners, is usually near by, to be thrown
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THE JOURNEY OP CORONADO
This country is in a valley between moun-
tains in the form of isolated cliffs. They
cultivate the corn, which does not grow very
high, in patches. There are three or four
large fat ears having each eight hundred
grains on every stalk growing upward from
the ground, something not seen before in
these parts. There are large numbers of
bears in this province, and lions, wild-cats,
deer, and otter. There are very fine tur-
quoises, although not so many as was re-
ported. They collect the pine nuts each
year, and store them up in advance. A
man does not have more than one wife.
There are estufas or hot rooms in the villages,
which are the courtyards or places where
they gather for consultation. They do not
have chiefs as in New Spain, but are ruled
by a council of the oldest men. They have
priests who preach to them, whom they call
papas. 1 These are the elders. They go up
on the highest roof of the village and preach
to the village from there, like public criers,
in the morning while the sun is rising, the
whole village being silent and sitting in the
galleries to listen.' They tell them how
* Dr. J. Walter Fewkes, In his Few Summer Cere-
monials at the Tusayao Pueblos, p. 7, describes the
Da'wa-W^mp-ki-yas, a small number of priests of
they prepare offerings to It.
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THE JOURNEY OF COBONADO
they are to live, and I believe that they give
certain commandments for them to keep, for
there is no drunkenness among them nor
sodomy nor sacrifices, neither do they eat
human flesh nor steal, but they are usually
at work. The estufas belong to the whole
village. It is a sacrilege for the women to
go into the estufas to sleep. 1 They make
the cross as a sign of peace. They burn
their dead, and throw the implements used
in their work into the fire with the bodies.*
■ In his Few Summer Ceremonials at Tusayan, p.
6, Dr. Fewkes says that" with the exception of their
own dances, women do not take part in the secret
klbva [estufa] ceremonials; but it can not be said
that they are debarred entrance as assistants in mak-
ing the paraphernalia of the dances, or when they
""■e called upon to represent dramatizations of tra-
rendu of the Congres International des American-
teres, Berlin, 1888, pp. 171-172, speaking of the exca-
vations of "LosHuertos" in southern Arizona, says:
"All the skeletons, especially of adults [in the
Intramural burials], were, with but few exceptions,
disposed with the heads to the east and slightly
elevated as though resting on pillows, so as to face
the west; and the hands were usually placed at the
sides or crossed over the breast. With nearly all
were paraphernalia, household utensil^, articles of
adornment, etc. This paraphernalia quite inva-
riably partook of a sacerdotal character." In the
pyral mounds outside the communal dwellings,
"each burial consisted of a vessel, large or small,
according to the age of the person whose thoroughly
cremated remains it was designed to receive, to-
gether, ordinarily, with traces of the more valued
and smaller articles of personal property sacrificed
at the time of cremation. Over each such vessel
was placed either an inverted bowl or a cover
(roughly rounded by chipping) of potsherds, which
hitter, in most cases, showed traces of having been
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THE JOURNEY OV CORONADO
It is 20 leagues to Tusayan, going north-
west. This is a province with seven vil-
lages, of the same sort, dress, habits, and
ceremonies as at Cibola. There may be aa
many as 3,000 or 4,000 men in the fourteen
villages of these two provinces. It is 40
leagues or more to Tiguex, the road trending
zen DroKen vessels, oiten, inaeeu, it complete set;
mely, eating and drinking bowls, water-jar and
bottle, pitcher, spheroidal food receptacle, ladles,
large and small, and cooking-pot. Sometimes,
however, one or another of these vessels Actually
designed for sacrifice with the dead, was itself used
as the receptacle of his or her remains. In every
Much case the vessel had been either punctured at
the bottom or on one side, or else violently cracked
— from Zufii customs, in the process of 'killing' it""
The remains of other articles were around, burned
in the same fire.
Since the above note was extracted, excavations
tive account of which will be published in a forth-
coming report of the Bureau of Ethnology. Sikyat-
ki is located at the base of the First Hesa of
Tusayan, about S miles from llano. The house
structures were situated on an elongated elevation,
the western extremity of the village forming a sort
of acropolis. On the northern, western, ana south-
ern slopes of the height, outside the village proper,
cemeteries were found, and in these most of the
excavations were conducted. Many graves were
uncovered at a depth varying from 1 foot to 10
feet, but the skeletons were in such condition as to
be practically beyond recovery. Accompanying
these remains were hundreds of food and water ves-
sels in great variety of form and decoration, and in
quality of texture far better than any earthenware
previously recovered from a pueblo people. With,
the remains of the priests there were found, in addi-
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THE JOURNEY OP CORONADO
toward the north. The rock of Acuco,
which we described in the first part, is be-
tween these.
CHAPTER IV
Tiguex is a province with twelve villages
on the banks of a large, swift river ; some
-villages on one side and some on the other.
It is a spacious valley two leagues wide,
and a very high, rough, snow-covered moun-
tain chain lies east of it. There are seven
villages in the ridges at the foot of this —
four on the plain and three situated on the
skirts of the mountain.
There are seven villages 7 leagues to the
north [i.e. of Tiguex] , at Quirix, and the
seven villages of the province of Hemes are
40 leagues northeast. It is four leagues north
or east to Acha. 1 Tutahaco, a province
■with eight villages, is toward the southeast.
In general, these villages all have the same
beads, prayer-sticks, quartz crystals, arrowpoints,
stone and shell fetiches, sacred paint, and other
paraphernalia similar to that used by the Hop! of
today. The house walls were constructed of small,
flat stones brought from the neighboring mesa, laid
in adobe mortar and plastered with the same mate-
rial. The rooms were Invariably small, averaging
perhaps 8 feet square, and the walls were quite
thin. No human remains were found in the houses,
nor were any evidences of cremation observed.
1 The pueblo of Picuris.
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THE JOURNEY OP CORONADO
habits and customs, although some have
some things in particular which the others
have not. 1 They are governed by the opin-
ions of the elders. They all work together
to build the villages, the women being en-
gaged in making the mixture and the walk,
while the men bring the wood and put it in
place.* They have no lime, but they make
a mixture of ashes, coals, and dirt which is
almost as good as mortar, for when the house
is to have four stories, they do not make the
walls more than half a yard thick. They
gather a great pile of twigs of thyme and
' Bandelier gives a general account of the internal
condition of the Pueblo Indians, with references to-
the older Spanish writers, in his Final Report, pt. L,
p. 130.
■Lewis H. Morgan, in his Ruins of it Stone Pue>
blo, Peabody Museum Reports, vol. xii., p. 541,
says: "Adobe is a kind of pulverized clay with a.
bond of considerable strength by mechanical cohe-
sion. In southern Colorado, in Arizona, and New
Meiico there are immense tracts covered with what
is called adobe soil. It varies somewhat in the de-
gree of its excellence. The kind of which they
make their pottery has the largest per cent, of alu-
mina, and its presence is indicated by the salt weed
which grows in this particular soil. This kind also
makes the best adobe mortar. The Indians use it
freely in laying their walls, as freely as our masons
use lime mortar ; and although it never acquires the
hardness of cement, it disintegrates slowly. . . .
This adobe mortar is adapted only to the dry cli-
mate of southern Colorado, Arizona, and New Mexi-
co, where the precipitation is less than 5 inches
!ier annum. ... To the presence of this adobe soil,
ound in such abundance in the regions named, and
to the sandstone of the bluffs, where masses are
often found in fragments, we must attribute the
great progress made by these Indians in house
building."
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sedge grass and set it afire, and when it is
half coals and ashes they throw a quantity
of dirt and water on it and mix it all to-
gether. They make round balls of this,
which they use instead of stones after they
are dry, fixing them with the same mixture,
which comes to be like a stiff clay. Before
they are married the young men serve the
whole village in general, and fetch the wood
that is needed for use, putting it in a pile in
the courtyard of the villages, from which
the women take it to carry to their houses.
The young men live in the estuias, which
are in the yards of the village. 1 They are
underground, square or round, with pine pil-
lars. Some were seen with twelve pillars and
with four in the center as large as two men
could stretch around. They usually bad
three or four pillars. The floor was made of
large, smooth stones, like the baths which
they have in Europe. They have a hearth
made like the binnacle or compass box of a
ship, in which they burn a handful of
■ Bandelier discusses the estufas in his Final Re-
port, pt. 1., p. 144 ff., giving quotations from the
Spanish writers, with his usual wealth of footnote*.
Dr. Pewkes.in his Zufii Summer Ceremonials, says;
'These rooms are semis ubterrace an (In Zufii), situ-
ated on the first or ground floor, never, so far as I
have seen, on the second or higher stories. They
are rectangular or square rooms, built of stone, with
openings just large enough to admit the bead serv-
ing as windows, and still preserve the old form of
entrance by ladders through a sky hole in the roof.
"Within, the eatulas have bare walls and are unfur-
nished, but have a raised ledge about the walls.
Serving as Beats."
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THE JOURNEY OV CORONADO
thyme at a time to keep up the heat, and
they can atay in there just aa in a bath.
The top was on a level with the ground.
Some that were seen were large enough for
a game of ball. When any man wishes to
marry, it has to be arranged by those who
govern. The man has to spin and weave a
blanket and place it before the woman, who
covers herself with it and becomes his wife.
The houses belong to the women, the estufas
to the men. If a man repudiates his woman,
he has to go to the estufa. It is forbidden
for women to sleep in the estufas, or to enter
these for any purpose except to give their
husbands or eons something to eat. The
men spin and weave. The women bring up
the children and prepare the food. The
country is bo fertile that they do not have
to break up the ground the year round, but
only have to sow the seed, which is pres-
ently covered by the fall of snow, and the
ears come up under the snow. In one year
they gather enough for seven. A very large
number of cranes and wild geese and crows
and starlings live on what is sown, and for
all this, when they come to sow for another
year, the fields are covered with com which
they have not been able to finish gathering.
There are a great many native fowl in these
provinces, and cocks with great banging
chins.' When dead, these keep for sixty
days, and longer in winter, without losing-
1 The American turkey cocks.
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THE JOURNEY OP CORONADO
their feathers or opening, and without any
bad smell, and the same is true of dead men.
The villages are free from nuisances, be-
cause they go outside to excrete, and they
pass their water into clay vessels, which
they empty at a distance from the village. 1
They keep the separate houses where they
prepare the food for eating and where they
grind the meal, very clean. This is a sepa-
rate room or closet, where they have a trough
with three stones fixed in stiff clay. Three
women go in here, each one having a stone,
with which one of them breaks the corn, the
next grinds it, and the third grinds it again.*
■A custom still common at Zufll and other pue-
blos. Before the Introduction of manufactured dyes
the Hopi used urine as a mordant.
'Mr. Owens, in the Journal of American Ethnol-
ogy and Arckseology, vol. if., p. 108 »., describes
these mealing troughs- "In every house will he
found a trough about 6 feet long, 2 feet wide,
and 8 inches deep, divided into three or more
compartments. In the older houses the sides and
partitions are made of stone slabs, but in some of
the newer ones they are made of boards. Within
each compartment Is a stone (trap rock preferred)
about 18 inches long and a foot wide, set in a
bed of adobe and inclined at an angle of about 85°.
This is not quite in the center of the compartment,
but Is set about: inches 8 nearer the right side
than the left, and its higher edge is against the edge
of the trough. This constitutes the nether stone
of the mill. The upper stone is about 14 inches
long, 8 Inches wide, and varies in thickness ac-
cording to the fineness of the meal desired. The
larger stone is called a mfita and tbe smaller one a
mataki. The woman places the com in the trough,
tben kneels behind it and grasps the maUiki in both
hands. This she slides, by a motion from the back,
back and forth over the mats. At intervals she re-
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They take off their shoes, do up their hair;
shake their clothes, and cover their heads
before they enter the door. A man sits at
the door playing on a fife while they grind,
moving the stones to the music and singing-
together. They grind a large quantity at
one time, because they make all their bread
of meal soaked in warm water, like wafers.
They gather a great quantity of brushwood
and dry it to use for cooking all through the*
year. There are no fruits good to eat in the
country, except the pine nuts. They have
their preachers. Sodomy is not found among
them. They do not eat human flesh nor
make sacrifices of it. The people are nob
cruel, for they had Francisco de Ovando in
Tiguex about forty days, after he was dead,
and when the village was captured, he was
found among their dead, whole and without
any other wound except the one which killed
him, white as snow, without any bad smell.
I found out several things about them from:
one of our Indians, who had been a captive'
among them for a whole year. I asked him
especially for the reason why the young-
women in that province went entirely naked,
teases her hold with her left hand and with it places.
the material to be ground upon the upper end of the
m&ta. She usually sings in time to her grinding-
motion."
There fs a more extended account of these trougha
in Mindeleffs Pueblo Architecture, in the Eighth
Report of the Bureau of Ethnology, p. 208. This
excellent monograph, with its wealth of illustra-
tions, Is an invaluable introduction to any study of
the southwestern Tillage Indians.
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however cold it might be, and he told me
that the virgins had to go around this way
until they took a husband, and that they
covered themselves after they had known
man. The men here wear little shirts of
tanned deerskin and their long robes over
this. In all these provinces they have earth-
enware glazed with antimony and jars of ex-
traordinary labor and workmanship, which
were worth seeing. 1
CHAPTER V
Of Cicuye and the Tillages Id Its neighborhood,
and of how some people came to conquer this coun-
try.
We have already said that the people of
Tiguex and of all the provinces on the banks
of that river were all alike, having the same
ways of living and the same customs. It
will not be necessary to say anything par-
ticukr about them. I wish merely to give
an account of Cicuye and some depopulated
villages which the army saw on the direct
road which it followed thither, and of others
that were across the snowy mountains near
Tiguex, which also lay in that region above
the river.
1 See W. n. Holmes, Pottery of the Ancient Pue-
blos, Fourth Annual Report of the Bureau of Eth-
nology ; also Ms Illustrated Catalogue of a portion
of the collections made during the field season of
1881, in the Third Annual Report.
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THE J0I7RNEY OF COBOKADO
Cicuye ■ is a village of nearly five hun-
dred warriors, who are feared throughout that
country. It is square, situated on a rock,
with a large court or yard in the middle,
containing the estufas. The houses are all
alike, four stories high. One can go over
the top of the whole village without there
being a street to hinder. There are cor-
ridors going all around it at the first two
stories, by which one can go around the
whole village. These are like outside bal-
conies, and they are able to protect them-
selves under these. The houses do not have
doors below, but they use ladders, which can
be lifted up like a drawbridge, and so go up
to the corridors which are on the inside of
the village. As the doors of the houses
open on the corridor of that story, the corri-
dor serves aa a street. The houses that open
on the plain are right back of those that
•open on the court, and in time of war they
go through those behind them. The village
is inclosed by a low wall of stone. There is
a spring of water inside, which they are able
to divert.' The people of this village boast
that no one has been able to conquer them
and that they conquer whatever villages they
illy written Acuye. The Relacion del Suceso has
Acuique.
'Toe Spring was "still trickling out beneath a
massive ledge of rocks on the west sill " when Ban-
delier sketched it in 1880.
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wish. The people and their customs are like
those of the other villages. Their virgins
also go nude until they take husbands, be-
cause they say that if they do anything
wrong then it will be seen, and so they
do not do it. They do not need to be
ashamed because they go around as they were
born.
There is a village, small and strong, be-
tween Cicuye and the province of Quirix,
which the Spaniards named Ximena, 1 and
another village almost deserted, only one part
of which is inhabited.' This was a large
village, and judging from its condition and
newness it appeared to have been destroyed.
They called this the village of the granaries
or silos, because large underground cellars
were found here stored with corn. There
was another large village farther on, entirely
destroyed and pulled down, in the yards of
which there were many stone balls, as big as
12-quart bowls, which seemed to have been
thrown by engines or catapults, which had
destroyed the village. All that I was able
to find out about them was that, sixteen
years before, some people called Teyas,* had
1 The former Tano pueblo of Galisteo, a mile and
a half northeast of the present town of the same
name, in Bunta Fe county.
3 According to Mota Padilla, this was called Co-
quit e.
* These Indiana were seen by Coronado during his
journey across the plains. As Mr. Hodge has sug-
gested, they may have been the Comanches, who on
many occasions are known to have made inroads OH
the pueblo of Pecos.
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Come to this country in great numbers and
had destroyed these villages. They had be-
sieged Cicuye but had not been able to cap-
ture it, because it was strong, and when they
left the region, they had made peace with
the whole country. It seems as if they must
have been a powerful people, and that they
must have had engines to knock down the
villages. The only thing they could tell
about the direction these people came from
was by pointing toward the north. They
usually call these people Teyas or brave
men, just as the Mexicans say chichimecas
or braves, for the Teyas whom the army
saw were brave. These knew the people in
the settlements, and were friendly with them,
and they (the Teyas of the plains) went there
to spend the winter under the wings of the
settlements. The inhabitants do not dare
to let them come inside, because they can
not trust them. Although they are received
as friends, and trade with them, they do
not stay in the villages over night, but
outside under the wings. The villages are ,
guarded by sentinels with trumpets, who
call to one another just as in the fortresses
of Spain.
There are seven other villages along this
route, toward the snowy mountains, one of
which has been half destroyed by the people
already referred to. These were under the
rule of Cicuye. Cicuye is in a little valley
between mountain chains and mountains
covered with large pine forests. There is a
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THE JOURNEY OF CORONADO
little stream which contains very good trout
and otters, and there are very large bears
and good falcons hereabouts.
CHAPTER VI
Which gives the number of villages which wen
seen In the country of the terraced houses, and their
population.
Before I proceed to speak of the plains,
with the cows and settlements and tribes,
there, it seems to me that it will be well for
the reader to know how large the settlements
were, where the houses with stories, gath-
ered into villages, were seen, and how great
an extent of country they occupied. 1 As
I say, Cibola is the first:
Cibola, seven villages.
Tusayan, seven villages..
The rock of Acuco, one.
Tiguex, twelve villages.
Tutahaco, eight villages.
These villages were below the river.
Quirix,* seven villages.
1 Bandolier, Pinal Report, pt. i.,p. 84. u WIthth»
exception of Acoma, there is not a single pueblo
standing where it was at the time of Coronado, or
even sixty years later, when Juan de O&ate accom-
plished the peaceable reduction of the New Mexican
village Indians." Compare with the discussion In
this part of his Pinal Report, Mr. Bandelier's at-
tempt to identify the various clusters of villages, in
hia Historical Introduction, pp. 23-34.
'The Queres district, now represented by Santo
Domingo, San Felipe, Santa Ana, Sia (Castaneda's '
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In the snowy mountains, seven villages.
Ximeua, 1 three villages.
Cicuye, one village.
Hemes," seven villages.
Agues Calientes,* or Boiling Springs, three
villages.
Yuqueyunque,' in the mountains, six vil-
lages.
Valladolid, called Braba,' one village.
Chin," one village.
In all, there are sixty-six villages. Tiguex
appears to be in the center of the villages.
Valladolid is the farthest up the river tow-
ard the northeast. The four villages down
the river are toward the southeast, because
the river turns toward the east.* It is 130
leagues — 10 more or less — from the farthest
point that was seen down the river to the
farthest point up the river, and all the settle-
ments are within this region. Including
those at a distance, there are sixty-six vil-
lages in all, as I have said, and in all of
them there may be some 20,000 men, which
Cliia), and Cochiti. Acoma and Laguna, to the
westward, belong to the same linguistic group.
Lagunu, however, la a modern pueblo.
1 One of these was the Tano pueblo of Qallsteo, as
noted on page 523.
'The Jemes pueblo clusters In San Diego and
Quadaloupe canyons. See pi. i.xs.
' The Tewa pueblo of Yugeuingge, where the vil-
lage of Chamlta, above Santa Fe, now stands.
*Taos.
*The Keres or Queres pueblo of Sia.
'The trend of the river in the section of the old
pueblo settlements is really westward.
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THE JOURNEY OP COBONADO
may be taken to be a fair estimate of the
population of the villages. There are no
houses or other buildings between one vil-
lage and another, but where we went it is
entirely uninhabited. These people, since
they are few, and their manners, govern-
ment, and habits are so different from all the
nations that have been seen and discovered
in these western regions, must come from
that part of Greater India, the coast of which
lies to the west of this country, for they
could have come down from that country,
crossing the mountain chains and following
down the river, settling in what seemed to
them the best place. 1 As they multiplied,
they kept on making settlements until they
lost the river when it buried itself under-
ground, its course being in the direction of
Florida. It comes down from the northeast,
where they * could certainly have found signs
of villages. He preferred, however, to follow
the reports of the Turk, but it would have
been better to cross the mountains where
this river rises. I believe they would have
found traces of riches and would have reached
the lands from which these people started,
which from its location is on the edge of
1 The Tusaj-an Indiana belong to the same linguis-
tic stock as the Ute, Comanche, Shoshoni, Bannock,
and others. The original habitat of the main body
of these tribes was in the far north, although certain
clans of the Tusayan people are of southern origin.
See Powell, Indian Linguistic Families, 7th Annual
Report of the Bureau of Ethnology, p. 108.
s The Spaniards under Coronado.
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Greater India, although the region is neither
known nor understood, because from the
trend of the coast it appears that the land
between Norway and China is very far up.
The country from sea to sea is very wide,
judging from the location of both coasts, as
well as from what Captain Villalobos discov-
ered when he went in search of China by the
sea to the west, 1 and from what has been
discovered on the North sea concerning the
trend of the coast of Florida toward the
Bacallaos, up toward Norway.
To return then to the proposition with
which I began, I say that the settlements
and people already named were all that were
seen in a region 70 leagues wide and 130
long, in the settled country along the river
Tiguez. In New Spain there are not one
but many establishments, containing a larger
number of people. Silver metals were found
in many of their villages, which they use for
glazing and painting their earthenware.
CHAPTER Vn
We have spoken of the settlements of high
houses which are situated in what seems to
be the most level and open part of the mouu-
ineda mar have known about it.
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THE JOURNEY OF CORONADO
tains, since it is 150 leagues across before
entering the level country between the two
mountain chains which I said were near
the North sea and the South sea, which
might better be called the Western sea along
this coast. This mountain series is the one
which is near the South sea. 1 In order to
show that the settlements are in the middle
of the mountains, I will state that it is 80
leagues from Cbichilticalli, where we began
to cross this country, to Cibola; from Cibola,
which is the first village, to Cicuye, which
is the last on the way across, is 70 leagues ;
it is 30 leagues from Cicuye to where the
plains begin. It may be we went across in
an indirect or roundabout way, which would
make it seem as if there was more country
than if it had been crossed in a direct line,
and it may be more difficult and rougher.
This can not be known certainly, because
the mountains change their direction above
the bay at the month of the Firebrand
(Tizon) river.
Now we will speak of the plains. The
country is spacious and level, and is more
than 400 leagues wide in the part between
the two mountain ranges — one, that which
Francisco Vazquez Coronado crossed, and the
other that which the force under Don Fer-
nando de Soto crossed, near the North sea,
entering the country from Florida. No set-
tlements were seen anywhere on these plains.
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THE JOURNEY OP CORONADO
la traversing 250 leagues, the other moon-
tain range was not seen, nor a hill nor a
hillock which was three times as high as a
man. Several lakes were found at intervals ;
they were round as plates, a stone's throw
or more across, some fresh and some salt.
The grass grows tall near these lakes; away
from them it is very short, a span or less.
The country is like a bowl, so that when a
man sits down, the horizon surrounds him
all around at the distance of a musket shot.
There are no groves of trees except at die
rivers, which flow at the bottom of some
ravines where the trees grow so thick that
they were not noticed until one was right on
the edge of them. They are of dead earth.
There are paths down into these, made by
the cows when they go to the water, which
is essential throughout these plains.
As I have related in the first part, people
follow the cows, hunting them and tanning
the skins to take to the settlements in the
winter to sell, since they go there to pass
the winter, each company going to those
which are nearest, some to the settlements
at Cicuye, others toward Quivira, and others
to the settlements which are situated in the
direction of Florida. These people are called
Querechos and Teyas. They described some
large settlements, and judging from what
was seen of these people and from the ac-
counts they gave of other places, there are a
good many more of these people than there
are of those at the settlements. They have
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THE JOURNEY OF CORONADO
better figures, are better warriors, and ate
more feared. They travel like the Arabs,
with their tents and troops of dogs loaded
with poles ' and having Moorish pack saddles
with girths. When the load gets disarranged,
the dogs howl, calling some one to fix them
right. These people eat raw flesh and drink
blood. They do nob eat human flesh. They
are a kind people and not cruel They are
faithful friends. They are able to make
themselves very well understood by means
of signs. They dry the flesh in the sun,
cutting it thin like a leaf, and when dry they
grind it like meal to keep it and make a sort
of sea aoup of it to eat. A handful thrown
into a pot swells up so as to increase very
much. They season it with fat, which they
always try to secure when they kill a cow. 1
They empty a large gut and fill it with blood,
and carry this around the neck to drink when
they are thirsty. When they open the belly
of a cow, they squeeze out the chewed grass
and drink the juice that remains behind, be-
cause they say that this contains the essence
of the stomach. They cut the hide open at
the back and pull it off at the joints, using
a flint as large as a finger, tied in a little
stick, with as much ease as if working with
a good iron tool. They give it an edge with
their own teeth. The quickness with which
they do this is something worth seeing and
noting.
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THE JOURNEY OF CORON,
There are very great numbers of ^rolves
on these plains, which go around with the
cows. They have white skins. The deer
are pied with white. Their skin is loose,
so that when they are killed it can be pulled
off with the hand while warm, coming off
like pigskin. The rabbits, which are very
numerous, are so foolish that those on horse-
back killed them with their knees. This is
when they are mounted among the cows.
They fly from a person on foot.
CHAPTER VHI
Qui visa is to the west of those ravines, in
the midst of the country, somewhat nearer
the mountains toward the sea, for the coun-
try is level as far as Quivira, and there they
began to see some mountain chains. The
country is well settled. Judging from what
was seen on the borders of it, this country is
very similar to that of Spain in the varieties
of vegetation and fruits. There are plums
like those of Castile, grapes, nuts, mulber-
ries, oats, pennyroyal, wild marjoram, and
large quantities of flax, but this does not do
them any good, because they do not know
how to use it. 1 The people are of almost
1 Mr. Savage, in the Transactions of the Nebraska
Historical Society, vol. i., p. 198, shows how closely
the descriptions of Castafieda, Jaramillo, and the
others on the expedition, harmonize with the flora
and fauna of his State.
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THE JOURNEY OP CORONADO
the same sort and appearance as the Teyaa.
They have villages like those ia New Spain.
The houses are round, without a wall, and
they have one story like a loft, under tiie
roof, where they sleep and keep their belong-
ings. The roofs are of straw. There are
other thickly settled provinces around it con-
taining large numbers of men. A friar
named Juan de Padilla remained in this
province, together with a Spanish-Portuguese
and a negro and a half-blood and some In-
dians from the province of Capothan, in New
Spain. They killed the friar because he
wanted to go to the province of the Guas,
who were their enemies. The Spaniard es-
caped by taking flight on a mare, and after-
ward reached New Spain, coining out by
way of Panuco. The Indians from New
Spain who accompanied the friar were
allowed by the murderers to bury him, and
then they followed the Spaniard and over-
took him. This Spaniard was a Portuguese,
named Campo.
The great river of the Holy Spirit (Espiritu
Santo),' which Don Fernando de Soto dis-
covered in the country of Florida, flows
through this country. It passes through a
province called Arache, according to the
reliable accounts which were obtained here.
The sources were not visited, because, ac-
cording to what they said, it comes from a
very distant country in the mountains of the
1 The Mississippi and Missouri rivers.
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THE JOURNEY OF CORONADO
South sea, from the part that sheds its waters
onto the plains. It flows across all the level
country and breaks through the mountains
of the North sea, and comes out where the
people with Con Fernando de Soto navigated
it. This is more than 300 leagues from
where it enters the sea. On account of this,
and also because it has large tributaries, it
is so mighty when it enters the sea that they
lost sight of the land before the water ceased
to be fresh. 1
This country of Quivira was the last that
was seen, of which I am able to give any
description or information. Now it is proper
for me to return and speak of the army,
which I left in Tiguex, resting for the win-
ter, so that it would be able to proceed or re-
turn in search of these settlements of Quivira,
which was not accomplished after all, because
it was God's pleasure that these discoveries
should remain for other peoples and that we
who had been there should content ourselves
with saying that we were the first who dis-
covered it and obtained any information con-
cerning it, just as Hercules knew the site
where Julius Ctesar was to found Seville or
Hispales. May the all-powerful Lord grant
that His will be done in everything. It is
certain that if this had not been His will
Francisco Vazquez would not have returned
to New Spain without cause or reason, as he
did, and that it would not have been left for
a reminiscence of Cabeza de Va-
a ii, Google
THE JOURNEY OP CORONADO
those with Don Fernando de Soto to settle
such a good country, as they have done, and
besides settling it to increase its extent, after
obtaining, as they did, information from our
army.'
'Mot a Padilla, cap. xuiil, 4, p. 166, given his
reasons for the failure of the expedition: "It was
most likely the chastisement of God that riches were
not found on this expedition, because, when this
ouclit to have been the secondary object of the ex-
pedition, and tbe conversion of all those heathen
their first aim, they bartered with fate and strug-
£led after the secondary; and thus the misfortune
> not so much that all those labors were without
fruit, but the worst is that such a number of souls
have remained in their blindness. "
ligirized I:, G00gk'
THIRD PART
Which Descbibes What Happened to
Francisco Vazquez Cokonado Dubing
THE WlNTEE, AND HOW He GAVE UP
the Expedition and Retuened to New
Spain.
Laua Deo.
CHAPTER I
Of bow Don Pedro de Tovar came from Sefiore
with some men, and Don Garcia Lopez de Cardenas
started back to New Spain.
At the end of the first part of this book,
we told how Francisco Vazquez Coronado,
when he got back fronf Quivira, gave orders
to winter at Tiguex, in order to return, when
the winter was over, with his whole army
to discover all the settlements in those
regions. Don Pedro de Tovar, who had
gone, as we related, to conduct a force from
the city of Saint Jerome (San Hieronimo),
arrived in the meantime with the men whom
he had brought. He had not selected the
rebels and seditious men there, but the most
experienced ones and the best soldiers — men
whom he could trust — wisely considering
that he ought to have good men in order to
go in search of his general in the country of
the Indian called Turk.
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THE JOURNEY OP CORONADO
Although they found the army at Tiguex
when they arrived there, this did not please
them much, because they had come with
great expectations, believing that they would
find their general in the rich country of the
Indian called Turk. They consoled them-
selves with the hope of going back there,
and lived in anticipation of the pleasure of
undertaking this return expedition, which
the army would soon make to Quivira. Don
Pedro de Tovar brought letters from New
Spain, both from the viceroy, Don Antonio
de Mendoza, and from individuals. Among
these was one from Don Garcia Lopez de
Cardenas, which informed bint of the death
of bis brother, the heir, and summoned him
to Spain to receive the inheritance. On this
account be was given permission, and left
Tiguex with several other persons who re-
ceived permission to go and settle their affairs.
There were many others who would have
liked to go, but did not, in order not to ap-
pear faint-hearted. During this time the
general endeavored to pacify several villages
in the neighborhood which were not well
disposed, and to make peace with the people
at Tiguex. He tried also to procure some of
the cloth of the country, because the soldiers
were almost naked and poorly clothed, full
of lice, which they were unable to get rid of
or avoid.
The general, Francisco Vazquez Coronado,
J had been beloved and obeyed by his captains
and soldiers as heartily as any of those who
],!,r,z«j I:, Google
THB JOURNEY OP CORONADO
have aver started out in the Indies. Neces-
sity knows no law, ard the captains who
collected the cloth divided it badly, taking
the best for themselves and their friends and
soldiers, and leaving the rest for the soldiers,
and so there began to be some angry mur-
muring on account of this. Others also com-
plained because they noticed that some fa-
vored ones were spared in the work and in
the watches and received better portions of
what was divided, both of cloth and mod.
On this account it is thought that they be-
gan to say that there was nothing in the
country of Quivira which was worth return-
ing for, which was no slight cause of what
afterward happened, as will be seen.
CHAPTER n
After the winter was over, the return to
Quivira was announced, and the men began
to prepare the things needed. Since noth-
ing in this life is at the disposition of men,
but all is under the ordination of Almighty
God, it was His will that we should not ac-
complish this, and so it happened that one
feast day the general went out on horseback
to amuse himself, as usual, riding with the
captain Don Kodrigo Maldonado. He was
on a powerful horse, and his servants had
119
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THE JOURNET OP CORONADO
put on a new girth, which must have been
rotten at the time, for it broke during the
race and he fell over on the side where Don
Kodrigo was, and as his horse passed over
him it hit his head with its hoof, which laid
him at the point of death, and his recovery
was slow and doubtful
During this time, while he was in his bed,
Don Garcia Lopez de Cardenas, who had
started to go to New Spain, came back in
flight from Suya, because he had found that
town deserted and the people and horses and
cattle all dead. When he reached Tiguex
and learned the sad news that the general
was near his end, as already related, they did
not dare to tell him until he had recovered,
and when he finally got up and learned of
it, it affected him so much that he had to go
back to bed again. He may have done this
in order to bring about what he afterward
accomplished, as was believed later.
It was while he was in this condition that
he recollected what a scientific Mend of his
in Salamanca had told him, that he would
become a powerful lord in distant lands, and
that he would have a fall from which he
would never be able to recover. This ex-
pectation of death made him desire to return
and die where he had a wife and children.
As the physician and surgeon who was doc-
toring him, and also acted as a talebearer,
suppressed the murmurings that were going
about among the soldiers, he treated secretly
and underhandedly with several gentlemen
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THE JOUHHEY OF CORONADO
who agreed with him. They set the sol-
diers to talking about going back to New
Spain, in little knots and gatherings, and
induced them to hold consultations about it,
and had them send papers to the general,
signed by all the soldiers, through their en-
signs, asking for this. They all entered into
it readily, and not much time needed to be
spent, since many desired it already. When
they asked him, the general acted as if he
did not want to do it, but all the gentlemen
and captains supported them, giving him
their signed opinions, and as some were in
this, they could give it at once, and they
even persuaded others to do the same.
Thus they made it seem as if they ought
to return to New Spain, because they had
not found any riches, nor had they discov-
ered any settled country out of which estates
could be formed for all the army. When he
had obtained their signatures, the return to
New Spain was at once announced, and since
nothing can ever be concealed, the double
dealing began to be understood, and many
of the gentlemen found that they had been
deceived and had made a mistake. They
tried in every way to get their signatures
back again from the general, who guarded
them so carefully that he did not go out of
one room, making his sickness seem very
much worse, and putting guards about his
person and room, and at night about the
floor on which he slept. In spite of all this,
they stole his chest, and it is said that they
121
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TBE JOURNEY OP COBONADO
did not find their signatures in it, because
he kept them in his mattress; on the other
hand, it is said that they did recover them.
They asked the general to give them 60
picked men, with whom they would remain
and hold the country until the viceroy could
Bend them support, or recall them, or else
that the general would leave them the army
and pick out 60 men to go back with him.
But the soldiers did not want to remain
either way, some because they had turned
their prow toward New Spain, and others
because they saw clearly the trouble that
would arise over who should have the com-
mand. The gentlemen, I do not know
whether because they had sworn fidelity or
because they feared that the soldiers would
not support them, did what had been decided
on, although with an ill-will, and from this
time on they did not obey the general as
readily as formerly, and they did not show
any affection for him. He made much of
the soldiers and humored them, with the
result that he did what he desired and se-
cured the return of the whole army.
CHAPTER m
We have already stated in the last chap-
ter that Don Garcia Lopez de Cardenas came
back from Suya io flight, having found that
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THE JOURNEY OP CORONADO
country risen in rebellion. He told how
and why that town was deserted, which oc-
curred as I will relate. The entirely worth-
less fellows were all who had been left in
that town, the mutinous and seditious men,
besides a few who were honored with the
charge of public affairs and who were left to
govern the others. Thus the bad disposi-
tions of the worthless secured the power,
and they held daily meetings and councils
and declared that they had been betrayed and
were not going to be rescued, since the others
had been directed to go through another part
of the country, where there was a more con-
venient route to New Spain, which was not
bo because they were still almost on the
direct road. This talk led some of them to
revolt, and they chose one Pedro de Avila as
their captain.
They went back to Culiacan, leaving the
captain, Diego de Alcaraz, sick in the town
of San Hieronimo, with only a small force.
He did not have anyone whom he could
send after them to compel them to return.
They killed a number of people at several
villages along the way. Finally they reached
Culiacan, where Hernando Arias de Saabedra,
who was waiting for Juan Gallego to come
back from New Spain with a force, detained
them by means of promises, so that Gallego
could take them back. Some who feared
what might happen to them ran away one
night to New Spain. Diego de Alcaraz,
who had remained at Suya with a small
sit, Google
THE JOURNEY OP COBONADO
force, sick, was not able to hold his position,
although he would have liked to, on account
of the poisonous herb which the natives use.
When these noticed how weak the Spaniards
were, they did not continue to trade with,
them as they formerly had done. Veins of
gold had already been discovered before this,
but they were unable to work these, because
the country was at war. The disturbance
was so great that they did not cease to keep
watch and to be more than usually carefuL
The town was situated on a little river.
One night all of a sudden they saw fires
which they were not accustomed to, and on
this account they doubled the watches, but
not having noticed anything during the
whole night, they grew careless along toward
morning, and the enemy entered the village
so silently that they were not seen until they
began to kill and plunder. A number of
men reached the plain as well as they could,
but while they were getting out the captain
was mortally wounded. Several Spaniards
came back on some horses after they had re-
covered themselves and attacked the enemy,
rescuing some, though only a few. The
enemy went off with the booty, leaving three
Spaniards killed, besides many of the ser-
vants and more than twenty horses.
The Spaniards who survived started off
the same day on foot, not having any horses.
They went toward Culiacan, keeping away
from the roads, and did not find any food
until they reached Corazones, where the ti-
ed t, Google
THE JOURNEY OP CORONADO
dians, like the good friends they have always
been, provided them with food. From here
they continued to Culiacan, undergoing great
hardships. Hernandarias de Saabedra, the
mayor, received them and entertained them
as well as he could until Juan Gallego ar-
rived with the reinforcements which he was
conducting, on his way to find the army.
He was not a little troubled at finding that
post deserted, when he expected that the
army would be in the rich country which had
been described by the Indian called Turk, be- -
cause he looked like one.
CHAPTER IV
Of bow Friar Juan de Padilla and Friar Luis re-
mained in the country and the army prepared to re-
turn to Mexico.
When the general, Francisco Vazquez,
saw that everything was now quiet, and that
his schemes had gone as he wished, he or-
dered that everything should be ready to
start on the return to New Spain by the be-
ginning of the month of April, in the year
1543.'
Seeing this, Friar Juan de Padilla, a regu-
lar brother of the lesser order,' and another.
Friar Luis, a lay brother, told the general
that they wanted to remain in that country
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THE JOURNEY OP CORONADO
— Friar Joan de Padilla in Quivira, because
his teachings seemed to promise fruit there,
and Friar Luis at Cicuye. On this account,
as it was Lent at the time, the father made
this the subject of his sermon to the com-
panies one Sunday, establishing his proposi-
tion on the authority of the Holy Scriptures.
He declared his zeal for the conversion of
these peoples and his desire to draw them
to the faith, and Btated that he had received
permission to do it, although this was not
necessary. The general sent a company to
escort them as far as Cicuye, where Friar
Luis stopped, while Friar Juan went on back
to Quivira with the guides who had con-
ducted the general, taking with him the
Portuguese, as we related, and the half-blood,
and the Indians from New Spain. He was
martyred a short time after he arrived there,
as we related in the second part, chapter 8.
Thus we may be sure that he died a martyr,
because his zeal was holy and earnest.
Friar Luis remained at Cicuye. Nothing
more has been heard about him since, hub
before the army left Tiguex some men who
went to take him a number of sheep that
were left for him to keep, met him as he was
on his way to visit some other villages, which
were 15 or 20 leagues from Cicuye, accom-
panied by some followers. He felt very
hopeful that he was liked at the village and
that his teaching would bear fruit, although
he complained that the old men were falling
away from him. I, for my part, believe
136
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THE JOUHNET OP CORONADO
that as he wa» a man of good and holy life,
Our Lord will protect him and give him
grace to convert many of those peoples, and
end his days in guiding them in the faith.
We do not need to believe otherwise, for
the people in those parts are pious and nob
at all cruel They are friends, or rather,
enemies of cruelty, and they remain faithful
and loyal friends. 1
1 Gen, W. W. H. Davis, in his Spanish Conquest
of Mew Mexico, p. 281, gives the following extract,
translated from an old Spanish MS. at Santa F6:
" When Corouado returned to Mexico, he left behind
la Cruz, and a Portuguese named Andres del Cam-
po. Soon after the Spaniards departed, Fadilla and
the Portuguese set off in search of the country of tlia
Grand Qui vira, where the former understood there
were innumerable souls to be saved. After travel-
ling several days, they reached a large settlement in
the Qui vira country. The Indians came out to re-
ceive them in battle array, when the friar, knowing
their intentions, told the Portuguese and his attend-
ants to take to flight, while he would await their
coming, in order that they might vent their fury on
him as they ran. The former took to flight, and,
placing themselves on a height within view, saw
what happened to the friar. Padilla awaited their
coming upon his knees, and when tbey arrived
where he was tbey Immediately put him to death.
The same happened to Juan do la Cruz, who was
left behind at Cibola, which people killed him.
The Portuguese and his attendants made their es-
cape, and ultimately arrived safely in Mexico, where
he told what had occurred. " In reply to a request
for further information regarding this manuscript,
General Davis stated that when he revisited Santa
Fe, a few years ago, he learned that one of hia suc-
cessors in the post of governor of the territory, hav-
ing despaired of disposing of the immense mass of
* J *s and records deposited in his office,
127
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THE JOURNEY OF CORONADO
After the friars had gone, the general, fear-
ing that they might be injured if people were
carried away from that country to New
Spain, ordered the soldiers to let any of the
natives who were held as servants go free to
their villages whenever they might wish. In
my opinion, though I am not sure, it would
have been better if they had been kept and
taught among Christians.
The general was very happy and contented
when the time arrived and everything needed
for the journey was ready, and the army
started from Tignex on its way back to
Cibola. One thing of no small note hap-
pened during this part of the trip. The
horses were in good condition for their work
when they started, fat and sleek, but more
than thirty died during the ten days which
it took to reach Cibola, and there was not a
day in which two or three or more did not
die. A large number of them also died
by the slow process of using tbem to kindle fires,
had sold the entire lot— an invaluable collection of
material bearing on the history of the southwest and
its early European and native inhabitants — as junk.
When the reports of these martyrdoms reached
New Spain, a number of Franciscans were fired with
the zeal of entering the country and carrying on the
work thus begun. Several received official permis-
sion, and went to the pueblo country. One of them
was killed at Tiguez. where most of them settled.
A few went on to CIcuye or Pecos, where they
found a cross which Padilla had set up. Proceed-
ing to Qulvira, the natives there counselled them
not to proceed farther. The Indians gave them an
account of the death of Fray Padilla, and said that
if he had taken their advice he would not have been
killed.
128
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THE JOURNEY OP CORONADO
afterward before reaching Culiaean, a thing
that did not happen during all the rest of
the journey.
After the army reached Cibola, it rested
before starting across the wilderness, because
this was the last of the settlements in that
country. The whole country was left well
disposed and at peace, and several of our In-
dian allies remained there.
CHAPTER V
Leaving astern, as we might say, the set-
tlements that had been discovered in the new
laud, of which, as I have said, the seven vil-
lages of Cibola were the first to be seen and
the last that were left, the army started off,
marching across the wilderness. The na-
tives kept following the rear of the army for
two or three days, to pick up any baggage
or servants, for although they were still at
peace and had always been loyal friends,
when they saw that we were going to leave
the country entirely,, they were glad to get
some of our people in their power, although
I do not think that they wanted to injure
them, from what I was told by some who
were not willing to go back with them when
they teased and asked them to. Altogether,
they carried off several people besides those
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THE JOURNEY OP CORONADO
who had remained of their own accord, among
whom good interpreters could be found
today.
The wilderness was crossed without oppo-
sition, and on the second day before reaching
Chichilticalli Juan Gallego met the army, as
he was coming from New Spain with reen-
forcementB of men and necessary supplies for
the army, expecting that he would find the
army in the country of the Indian called
Turk. When Juan Gallego saw that the
army was returning, the first thing he said
was not, "I am glad you are coming back,''
and he did not like it any better after he
had talked with the general. After he had
reached the army, or rather the quarters,
there was quite a little movement among
the gentlemen toward going back with the
new force which had made no slight exer-
tions in coming thus far, having encounters
every day with the Indians of these regions
who had risen in revolt, as will be related.
There was talk of making a settlement some-
where in that region until the viceroy could
receive an account of what had occurred.
Those soldiers who* had come from the new
lands would not agree to anything except the
return to New Spain, so that nothing came
of the proposals made at the consultations,
and although there was some opposition,
they were finally quieted. Several of the
mutineers who had deserted the town of Co-
razones came with Juan Gallego, who had
given them his word as surety for their
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THE JOURNEY OP CORONADO
safety, and even if the general had wanted
to punish them, his power was slight, for he
had been disobeyed already and was not
much respected. He began to be afraid
again after this, and made himself sick, and
kept a guard.
In several places yells were heard and
Indians seen, and some of the horses were
wounded and killed, before Batuco' was
reached, where the friendly Indiana from
Corazones came to meet the army and see
the general They were always friendly and
had treated all the Spaniards who passed
through their country well, furnishing them
with what food they needed, and men, if
they needed these. Our men had always
treated them well and repaid them for these
things. During this journey the juice of
the quince was proved to be a good protec-
tion against the poison of the natives, be-
cause at one place, several days before reach-
ing Sefiora, the hostile Indians wounded a
Spaniard called Mesa, and he did not die,
although the wound of the fresh poison is
fatal, and there was a delay of over two
hours before curing him with the juice.
The poison, however, had left its mark upon
him. The skin rotted and fell off until it
left the bones and sinews bare, with a horri-
ble smell. The wound was in the wrist,
'There were two settlements in Sonora bearing
this name, one occupied by the Eudeve and the
other by the Tegul division of the Opata. The
former village fs the one referred to by Castafieda.
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THE JOURNEY OP CORONADO
and the poison had reached as far as the
shoulder when he was cured. The skin on
all this fell off.
The army proceeded without taking any
rest, because the provisions had begun to
fail by this time. These districts were in
rebellion, and so there were not any victuals
where the Holdiers could get them until they
reached Petlatlan, although they made sev-
eral forays into the cross country in search
of provisions. Petlatlan is in the province
of Culiacan, and on this account was at
peace, although they had several surprises
after this. The army rested here several
days to get provisions. After leaving here
they were able to travel more quickly than
before, for the 30 leagues of the valley of
Culiacan, where they were welcomed back
again as people who came with their gover-
nor, who had suffered ill treatment.
CHAPTER VI
Of how the general started from Culiacan to give
the viceroy an account of the array with which he
had been Intrusted.
It seemed, indeed, as if the arrival in the
valley of Culiacan had ended the labors of
this journey, partly because the general was
governor there and partly because it was in-
habited by Christians. On this account
some began to disregard their superiors and
the authority which their captains had over
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THE JOURNEY OP CORONADO
them, and some captains even forgot the
obedience due to their general. Each one
played his own game, so that while the
general was marching toward the town, which
was still 10 leagues away, many of the men,
or most of them, left him in order to rest in
the valley, and some even proposed not to
follow him. The general understood that
he was not strong enough to compel them,
although his position as governor gave him
fresh authority. He determined to accom-
plish it by a better method, which was to
order all the captains to provide food and
meat from the stores of several villages that
were under his control as governor. He
pretended to be sick, keeping his bed, ao
that those who had any business with him
could speak to hire or he with them more
freely, without hindrance or observation, and
he kept sending for his particular friends in
order to ask them to be sure to speak to the
soldiers and encourage them to accompany
him back to New Spain, and to tell them
that he would request the viceroy, Don An-
tonio de Mendoza, to show them especial
favor, and that he would do so himself for
those who might wish to remain in his gov-
ernment. After this had been done, he
started with his army at a very bad time,
when the rains were beginning, for it was
about Saint John's day, at which season it
rains continuously.
In the uninhabited country which they
passed through as far as Compostela there
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are numerous very dangerous rivers, full of
large and fierce alligators. While the army
was halting at one of these rivers, a soldier
who was crossing from one side to the other
was seized, in sight of everybody, and car-
ried off by an alligator without it being pos-
sible to help bim. The general proceeded,
leaving the men who did not want to follow
bim all along the way, and reached Mexico
with less than 100 men. He made his re-
port to the viceroy, Don Antonio de Men-
doza, who did not receive him very gra-
ciously, although he gave him his discharge.
His reputation was gone from this time on.
He kept the government of New Galicia,
n, which had been entrusted to him, for only a
short time, when the viceroy took it himself,
until the arrival of the court, or audiencia,
which still governs it. And this was the
end of those discoveries and of the expedi-
tion which was made to these new lands.
It now remains for us to describe the way
in which to enter the country by a more
direct route, although there is never a short
cut without hard work. It is always best
to find out what those know who have pre-
pared the way, who know what will be
needed. This can be found elsewhere, and
I will now tell where Quivira lies, what di-
rection the army took, and the direction in
which Greater India lies, which was what
they pretended to be in search of, when the
army started thither. Today, since Villalo-
bos has discovered that this part of the coast
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THE JOURNEY OF CORONADO
of the South sea trends toward the west, it
is clearly seen and acknowledged that, since
we were in the north, we ought to have
turned to the west instead of toward the
east, as we did. With this, we will leave
this subject and will proceed to finish this
treatise, since there are several noteworthy
things of which I must give an account,
which I have left to be treated more exten-
sively in the two following chapters.
CHAPTER VII
Of the adventures of Captain Juan Gallego while
he was bringing reenf orcements through the revolted
country.
One might well have complained when
in the last chapter I passed in silence over
the exploits of Captain Juan Gallego with
his 20 companions. I will relate them in
the present chapter, so that in times to come
those who read about it or tell of it may
have a reliable authority on whom to rely.
I am not writing fables, like some of the
things which we read about nowadays in the
books of chivalry. If it were not that those
stories contained enchantments, there are
some things which our Spaniards have done
in our own day in these parts, in their con-
quests and encounters with the Indians,
which, for deeds worthy of admiration, sur-
pass not only the books already mentioned,
nut also those which have been written
185
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THE JOURNEY OP CORONADO
about the twelve peers of France, because, if
the deadly strength which the authors of
those times attributed to their heroes and
the brilliant and resplendent anna with
which they adorned them, are fully consid-
ered, and compared with the small stature
of the men of our time and the few and poor
weapons which they have in these parts, 1
the remarkable things which our people have
undertaken and accomplished with such
weapons are more to be wondered at today
than those of which the ancients write, and
just because, too, they fought with barbar-
ous naked people, as ours have with Indians,
among whom there are always men who are
brave and valiant and very sure bowmen,
for we have seen them pierce the wings while
flying, and hit hares while running after
them. I have said all this in order to show
that some things which we consider fables
may be true, because we see greater things
every day in our own times, just as in future
times people will greatly wonder at the deeds
of Don Fernando Cortez, who dared to go
into the midst of New Spain with 300 men
against the vast number of people in Mexico,
and who with 500 Spaniards succeeded in
subduing it, and made himself lord over it
in two years.
The deeds of Don Pedro de Alvarado in
1 The letters of Mendoza during the early part of
his administration in Mexico repeatedly call atten-
tion to the lack of arms and ammunition among the
Spaniards in the New World.
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THE JOURNEY OP CORONADO
the conquest of Guatemala, and those of
Montejo in Tabasco, the conquests of the
mainland and of Peru, were all such as to
make me remain silent concerning what I
now wish to relate ; but since I have prom-
ised to give an account of what happened
on this journey, I want the things I am now
going to relate to be known as well as those
others of which I have spoken.
The captain Juan Gallego, then, reached
the town of Culiacan with a very small force.
There he collected as many as he could of
those who had escaped from the town of
Hearts, or, more correctly, from Suya, which
made in all 22 men, and with these he
inarched through all of the settled country,
across which he traveled 200 leagues with
the country in a state of war and the people
in rebellion, although they had formerly been
friendly toward the Spaniards, having en-
counters with the enemy almost every day.
He always marched with the advance guard,
leaving two-thirds of his force behind with
the baggage. With six or seven Spaniards,
and without any of the Indian allies whom
he had with him, he forced his way into
their villages, killing and destroying and
setting them on fire, coming upon the enemy
so suddenly and with such quickness and
boldness that they did not have a chance to
collect or even to do anything at all, until
they became so afraid of him that there was
not a town which dared wait for him, but
they fled before him as from a powerful
187
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THE JOTJBNEY OF COHONADO
army; so much so, that for ten days, while
be was passing through the settlements, they
did not have an hour's rest.
He did all this with hia seven compan-
ions, so that when the rest of the force came
up with the baggage there was nothing for
'-hem to do except to pillage, since the others
had already killed ana captured all the peo-
ple they could lay their hands on and the
rest had fled. They did not pause any-
where, so that although the villages ahead
of him received some warning, they were
upon them so quickly that they did not have
a chance to collect. Especially in the region
where the town of Hearts had been, he killed
and hung a large number of people to pun-
ish them for their rebellion. He did not
lose a companion during all this, nor was
anyone wounded, except one soldier, who
was wounded in the eyelid by an Tndinn
who was almost dead, whom he was strip-
ping. The weapon broke the skin and, as it
was poisoned, be would have had to die if he
had not oeen saved by the quince juice ; he
lost his eye as it was.
These deeds of theirs were such that I
know those people will remember them as
long as they live, and especially four or five
friendly Indians who went with them from
Corazones, who thought that they were so
wonderful that they held them to be some-
thing divine rather than human. If he had
not fallen in with our army as he did, they
would have reached the country of the In-
188
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THE JOURNEY OP CORONADO
dian called Turk, which they expected to
march to, and they would have arrived there
without danger on account of their good
order and the skill with which he was lead-
ing them, and their knowledge and ample
practice in war. Several of these men are
still in this town of Culiacan, where I am
now writing this account and narrative,
where they, as well as I and the others who
Lave remained in this province, have never
lacked for labor in keeping this country
quiet, in capturing rebels, and increasing in
poverty and need, and more than ever at the
present hour, because the country is poorer
and more in debt than ever before.
CHAPTER VIII
My silence was not without mystery and
dissimulation when, in chapter 7 of the
second part of this book, I spoke of the
plains and of the things of which I will give
a. detailed account in this chapter, where all
these things may be found together; for
these things were remarkable and something
not seen in other parts. I dare to write of
them because I am writing at a time when
many men are still living who saw them
and who will vouch for my account. Who
could believe that 1,000 horses and 500 of
our cows and more than 5,000 rams and
sit, Google
THE JOURNEY Or CORONADO
ewes and more than 1,500 friendly Indians
and servants, in traveling over those plains,
would leave no more trace where they had
passed than if nothing had been there —
nothing — bo that it was necessary to make
piles of bones and cow dung now and then,
so that the rear guard could follow the army.
The grass never failed to become erect after
it had been trodden down, and, although it
was short, it was as fresh and straight as be-
fore.
Another thing was a heap of eow bones,
a crossbow shot long, or a very little leas,
almost twice a man's height in places, and
some 18 feet or more wide, which was found
on the edge of a salt lake in the southern
part, and this in a region where there are no
people who could have made it. The only
explanation of this which could be suggested
was that the waves which the north winds
must make in the lake had piled up the
bones of the cattle which had died in the
lake, when the old and weak ones who went
into the water were unable to get out. The
noticeable thing is the number of cattle that
would be necessary to make such a pile of
bones.
Now that I wish to describe the appear-
ance of the bulls, it i3 to be noticed first that
there was not one of the horses that did not
take flight when he saw them first, for they
have a narrow, short face, the brow two
palms across from eye to eye, the eyes stick-
ing out at the side, so that, when they are
HijiNzsi i,, Google
THE JOURNEY OP COBONADO
running, the; can see who is following them.
They have very long beards, like goats, and
when they are running they throw their
beads back with the beard dragging on the
ground. There is a sort of girdle round the
middle of the body. The hair is very woolly,
like a sheep's, very fine, and in front of the
girdle the hair is very long and rough like a
lion's. They have a great hump, larger than
a camel's. The horns are short and thick,
so that they are not seen much above the
hair. In May they change the hair in the
middle of the body for a down, which makes
perfect lions of them. They rub against the
small trees in the little ravines to shed their
hair, and they continue this until only the
down is left, as a snake changes his skin.
They have a short tail, with a bunch of hair
at the end. When they run, they carry it
erect like a scorpion. It is worth noticing
that the little calves are red and just like
ours, but they change their color and appear-
ance with time and age.
Another strange thing was that all the
bulls that were killed had their left ears slit,
although these were whole when young.
The reason for this was a puzzle that could
not be guessed, The wool ought to make
good cloth on account of its fineness, al-
though the color ia not good, because it is
the color of buriel. 1
1 The kersey, or coarse woollen cloth out of which
the habits of the Franciscan friars were made.
Hence the name, grey friars.
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THE JOURNEY OF CORONADO
Another thing worth noticing is that the
bulls traveled without cows in such large
numbers that nobody could have counted
them, and so far away from the cows that it
was more than 40 leagues from where we
began to see the bulls to the place where we
began to see the cows. The country they
traveled over was so level and smooth that
if one looked at them the sky could be seen
between their legs, bo that if some of them
were at a distance they looked like smooth-
trunked pines whose tops joined, and if there
was only one bull it looked as if there were
iour pines. When one was near them, it
was impossible to see the ground on the
other Bide of them. The reason for all this
was that the country seemed as round as if a
man should imagine himself in a three-pint
measure, and could see the sky at the edge
of it, about a crossbow shot from him, and
even if a man only lay down on his back he
lost sight of the ground. 1
I have not written about other things
which were Been nor made any mention of
them, because they were not of so much
importance, although it does not seem right
for me to remain silent concerning the fact
that they venerate the sign of the cross in
the region where the settlements have high
houses. For at a spring which was in the
plain near Acuco they had a cross two palms
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fol. xxvii., venw (ed. 1555).
THE JOURNEY OP CORONADO
high and as thick as a finger, made of wood
with a square twig for its crosapiece, and
many little sticks decorated with feathers
around it, and numerous withered flowers,
which were the offerings. 1 In a graveyard
outside the village at Tutahaco there ap-
peared to have been a recent burial. Near
the head there was another cross made of
two little sticks tied with cotton thread, and
dry withered flowers. It certainly seems to
me that in some way they must have re-
ceived some light from the cross of Our
Redeemer, Christ, and it may have come by
way of India, from whence they proceeded.
CHAPTER IX
Which treats of the direction which the army
took, and of how another more direct way might be
found, if anyone was to return to that country.
I test much wish that I possessed some
knowledge of cosmography or geography, so
as to render what I wish to say intelligible,
and so that I could reckon up or measure
the advantage those people who might go in
search of that country would have if they
went directly through the center of the
■Scattered through the papers of Br. J. Walter
Fewkes on the Zuni and Tusayan Indians will he
found many descriptions of the pahoH or prayer
sticks and other forms used as offerings at the
shrines, together with exact accounts of the manner
of making the offerings.
148
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THE JOURNEY OP CORONADO
country, instead of following the road the
army took. However, with the help of
the favor of the Lord, I will state it as
well as I can, making it as plain as pos-
sible.
It is, I think, already understood that the
Portuguese, Campo, was the soldier who
escaped when Friar Juan de Fadilla was
killed at Quivira, and that he finally reached
New Spain from Panuco, 1 having traveled
across the plains country until he came to
cross the North Sea mountain chain, keep-
ing the country that Don Hernando de Soto
discovered all the time on his left band,
since he did not see the river of the Holy
Spirit (Espiritu Santo) at alL* After he had
crossed the North Sea mountains, he found
that he was in Panuco, so that if 'he had not
tried to go to the North sea, he would have
come out in the neighborhood of the border
1 The northeastern province of New Spain.
* The conception or the great Inland plain stretch-
ing between the great takes at the head of the St.
Lawrence and the Gulf of Mexico (
which follow the Atlantic coast along the gulf coast
as far as Texas, a result, doubtless, of the fact that
all the expeditions which started inland from Flori-
da found mountains. Coronado's journey to Qui-
vira added but little to the detailed geographical
knowledge of America. The name reached Europe,
and it Is found on the maps, alongihe fortieth paral-
lel, almost everywhere from the Pacific coast to the
neighborhood of a western tributary to the St. Law-
rence system. Bee the maps reproduced herein.
CastaOeda could have aided them considerably, but
the map makers did not know of his book.
144
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THE JOURNEY OP CORONADO
land, or the country of the Sacatecas,' of
which we now have some knowledge.
This way would be somewhat better and
more direct for anyone going back there in
search of Quivira, since some of those who
came with the Portuguese are still in New
Spain to serve as guides. Nevertheless, I
think it would be best to go through, the
country of the Guachichules, keeping near
the South Sea mountains all the time, for
there are more settlements and a food supply,
for it would be suicide to launch out on to
the plains country, because it is so vast and
is barren of anything to eat, although, it is
true, there would not be much need of this
after coining to the cows.
This is only when one goes in search of
Quivira, and of the villages which were
described by the Indian called Turk, for the
army of Francisco Vazquez Coronado went
the very farthest way round to get there,
since they started from Mexico and went
110 leagues to the west, and then 100
leagues to the northeast, and 250 to the
north, and all this brought them as far as
the ravines where the cowa were, and after
traveling 850 leagues they were not more
' Captain John Stevens' Dictionary says that thig
Is "a northern province of North America, rich In sil-
ver mines, but ill provided with water, grain, and
Other substances; yet by reason of the mines there
are seven or eight Spanish towns in it." Zacatecas
is now one of the central states of the Mexican con-
federation, being south of Coahuila and southeast
of Durango.
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THE JOURNEY OF CORONADO
than 400 leagues distant from Mexico by a
direct route. If one desires to go to the
country of Tiguex, bo as to turn from there
toward the west in search of the country of
India, he ought to follow the road taken by
the army, for there is no other, even if one
wished to go by a different way, because the
arm of the sea which reaches into this coast
toward the north does not leave room for
any. But what might be done is to have
a fleet and cross this gulf and disem-
bark in the neighborhood of the Island of
Negroes ' and enter the country from there,
crossing the mountain chains in search of
the country from which the people at
Tiguex came, or other peoples of the same
sort.
As for entering from the country of Florida
and from the North sea, it has already been
observed that the many expeditions which
have been undertaken from that side have
been unfortunate and not very successful,
because that part of the country is full of
bogs and poisonous fruits, barren, and the
very worst country that is warmed by the
sun. But they might disembark after pass-
ing the river of the Holy Spirit, as Don Her-
nando de Soto did. Nevertheless, despite
the fact that I underwent much labor, I still
think that the way I went to that country
1 Apparently the location of this Island gradually
drifted westward with the increase of geographical
knowledge, until it was finally located in the Philip-
pine group.
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THE JOURNBY OP CORONADO
is the best. There ought to be river courses,
because the necessary supplies can be carried
oil these more easily in large quantities.
Horses are the most necessary things in the
new countries, and they frighten the enemy
most. . . . Artillery is also much feared by
those who do not know how to use it. A
piece of heavy artillery would be very good
for settlements like those which Francisco
Vazquez Coronado discovered, in order to
knock them down, because he had nothing
but some small machines for slinging and
nobody skillful enough to make a catapult or
some other machine which would frighten
them, which is very necessary.
I say, then, that with what we now know
about the trend of the coast of the South sea,
which has been followed by the ships which
explored the western part, and what is known
of the North sea toward Norway, the coast
of which extends up from Florida, those
who now go to discover the country which
Francisco Vazquez entered, and reach the
country of Cibola or of Tiguei, will know
the direction in which they ought to go in
order to discover the true direction of the
country which the Marquis of the Valley,
Don Hernando Cortes, tried to find, follow-
ing the direction of the gulf of the Firebrand
(Tizon) river. This will suffice for the con-
clusion of our narrative. Everything else
rests on the powerful Lord of all things,
God Omnipotent, who knows how and
when these lands will be discovered and
147
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THE JOURNEY OP COBONADO
for whom He has guarded this good for-
tune.
Laus Deo.
Finished copying, Saturday the 26th of
October, 1596, in Seville.
ligirized I:, G00gk'
TRANSLATION OF THE LETTER
FROM MENDOZA TO THE KING,
APRIL 17, I540. 1
S. C. C. M. :
I wrote to Your Majesty from Compostela
the last of February, giving you an account
of my arrival there and of the departure of
Francisco Vazquez with the force which I
sent to pacify and settle in the newly dis-
covered country, and of how the warden,
Lope de Samaniego, was going as army mas-
ter, both because he was a responsible person
and a very good Christian, and because he
haa had experience in matters of this sort;
as Tour Majesty had desired to know. And
the news which I have received since then
is to the effect that after they had passed the
uninhabited region of Guluacan and were
approaching Chiametla, the warden went off
with some horsemen to find provisions, and
one of the soldiers who was with him, who
had strayed from the force, called out that
they were killing him. The warden has-
tened to his assistance, and they wounded
him in the eye with an arrow, from which
n the opening sentence is not known to
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THE JOUKNEY OF COBOKADO
he died. In regard to the fortress, 1 besides
the fact that it is badly built and going to
pieces, it seems to me that the cost of it is
excessive, and that Tour Majesty could do
without the moat of it, because there is one
man who takes charge of the munitions and
artillery, and an armorer to repair it, and a
gunner, and as this is the way it was under
the audiencia, before the fortresses were
made conformable to what I have written
to Your Majesty, we can get along without
the rest, because that fortress was built on
account of the brigantines, and not for any
other purpose.* And as the lagoon is so dry
that it can do no good in this way for the
present, I think that, for this reason, the cost
is superfluous. I believe that it will have
fallen in before a reply can come from Your
Majesty.
Some days ago I wrote to Your Majesty
that I had ordered MelcMor Diaz, who was
in the town of San Miguel de Culuacan, to
take some horsemen and see if the account
given by the father. Friar Marcos, agreed
with what he could discover. He set out
from Culuacan with fifteen horsemen, the
17th of November last. The 20th of this
present March I received a letter from him,
which he sent me by Juan de Zaldyvar and
1 Presumably the fortress of which Bamaniego was
warden.
'Buckingham Smith's Florida gives many docu-
ments relating to the damage done by French brig-
antines to the Spanish West Indies during 1540-41.
100
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THE JOURNEY OP CORONADO
throe other horsemen. In this he says that
after he left Culuacan and crossed the river
of Petatlan he was everywhere very well re-
ceived by the Indians. The way he did was
to send a cross to the place where he was
going to stop, because this was a sign which
the Indians received with deep veneration,
making a house out of mats in which to place
it, and somewhat away from this they made
a lodging for the Spaniards, and drove stakes
where they could tie the horses, and supplied
fodder for them, and abundance of corn
wherever they had it. They say that they
suffered from hunger in many places, because
it had been a bad year. After going 100
leagues from Culuacan, he began to find the
country cold, with severe frosts, and the
farther he went on the colder it became, until
he reached a point where some Indians whom
he had with him were frozen, and two Span-
iards were in great danger. Seeing this, he
decided not to go any farther until the win-
ter was over, and to send back, by those whom
I mentioned, an account of what he had
learned concerning Cibola and the country
beyond, which is as follows, taken literally
from his letter :
" I have given Tour Lordship an account
of what happened to me along the way ; and
seeing that it is impossible to cross the un-
inhabited region which stretches from here
to Cibola, on account of the heavy snows
and the cold, I will give Tour Lordship an
account of what I have learned about Cibola,
161
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THE JOURNEY OP COBONADO
which I have ascertained by asking many
persons who have beea there fifteen and
twenty year8; and I have secured this in
many different ways, taking some Indians
together and others separately, and on com-
parison they all seem to agree in what they
say. After crossing this large wilderness,
there are seven places, being a short day's
march from one to another, all of which are
together called Cibola. The houses are of
stone and mud, coarsely worked. They are
made in this way : One large wall, and afc
each end of this wall some rooms are built,
partitioned off 20 feet square, according to
the description they give, which are planked
with square beams. Most of the houses are
reached from the flat roofs, using their lad-
ders to go to the streets. The houses have
three and four stories. They declare that
there are few having two stories. The stories
are mostly half as high again as a man, ex-
cept the first one, which is low, and only a
little more than a man's height. One lad-
der is used to communicate with ten or twelve
houses together. They make use of the low
ones and live in the highest ones. In the
lowest ones of all they have some loopholes
made sideways, as in the fortresses of Spain.
The Indians say that when these people are
attacked, they station themselves in their
houses and fight from there ; and that when
they go to make war, they carry shields and
wear leather jackets, which are made of
cows' hide, colored, and that they fight with
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THE JOURNEY OP CORONADO
arrows and with a sort of stone maul and
with some other weapons made of sticks,
which I have not been able to make out.
They eat human flesh, and they keep those
whom they capture in war as slaves. There
are many fowls in the country, tame. They
have much corn and beans and melons
[squashes] . In their houses they keep some
hairy animals, like the large Spanish hounds,
which they shear, and they make long col-
ored wigs from the hair, like this one which
I send to Your Lordship, which they wear,
and they also put this same stuff in the cloth
which they make. 1 The men are of small
stature [plate lxii'J ; the women are light
colored and of good appearance, and they
wear shirts or chemises which reach down
to their feet. They wear their hair on each
aide done up in a sort of twist [plate lxiii],
which leaves the ears outside, in which they
hang many turquoises, as well as on their
necks and on the wrists of their arms. The
clothing of the men is a cloak, and over this
the akin of a cow, like the one which Cabeza
de Yaca and Dorantea brought, which Your
Lordship saw; they wear caps' on their
heads ; in summer they wear shoes made of
1 In lils paper on the Human Bonos of the Hemen-
way Collection (Memoirs of the National Academy
of Sciences, vi., p. 106 etseq.), Dr. Washington Mat-
thews discusses the possible former existence of a
variety of the llama In certain parts of the aouth-
* The headbands are doubtless here referred to.
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THE JOtTBNEY OF COBONADO
pointed or colored akin, and high buskins in
winter.
"They were also unable to tell me of any
metal, nor did they say that they had it.
They have turquoises in quantity, although
not so many as the father provincial said.
They have some little stone crystals, like
this which I send to Your Lordship, of which
Your Lordship has seen many here in New-
Spain. They cultivate the ground in the
same way as in New Spain. They carry
things on their heads, as in Mexico. The
men weave cloth and spin cotton. They
have salt from a marshy lake, which is two
days from the province of Cibola. 1 The
Indians have their dances and songs, with
some flutes which have holes on which to
put the fingers. They make much noise.
They sing in unison with those who play,
and those who sing clap their hands in our
fashion. One of the Indians that accom-
panied the negro Esteban, who had been a
captive there, saw the playing as they prac-
ticed it, and others singing as I have said,
although not very vigorously. They say
that five or six play together, and that some
of the flutes are better than others.' They
say the country is good for corn and beans,
and that they do not have any fruit trees,
1 The same salt lake from which the Zufiis obtain
their salt supply to-day.
* Compare with this hearsay description of some-
thing almost unknown to the Spaniards, the thor-
oughly scientific descriptions of tlicHopi dancesand
ceremonials recorded by Dr. J. Walter Few kes.
154
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THE JOURNEY OF COBONADO
nor do they know what such a thing is.*
They have very good mountains. The
country lacks water. They do not raise cot-
ton, but bring it from Totonteac* They eat
out of flat bowls, like the Mexicans. They
raise considerable corn and beans and other
similar things. They do not know what sea
fish is, nor have they ever heard of it. I
have not obtained any information about the
cows, except that these are found beyond the
province of Cibola. There is a great abun-
dance of wild goats, of the color of bay horses;
there are many of these here where I am,
and although I have asked the Indians if
those are like these, they tell me no. Of
the seven settlements, they describe three of
them as very large ; four not so big. They
describe them, as I understand, to be about
three crossbow shots square for each place,
and from what the IndianB say, and their
descriptions of the houses and their size, and
1 The peaches, watermelons, cantaloupes, and
grapes, now so extensively cultivated by the Pue-
blos, were introduced early in the seventeenth cen-
tury by the Spanish missionaries.
* At first glance it seems somewhat strange that
although Zufil is considerably more than 100 miles
south of Totonteac, or Tusayan, the people of the
former villages did not cultivate cotton, but In this
I am reminded by Mr. Hodge that part of the Tu-
sayan people are undoubtedly of southern origin
and that in all probability they Introduced cotton
into that group of villages. The Pimas raised
cotton as late as 1850. Hone of the Pueblos now
cultivate the plant, the introduction of cheap fab-
rics by traders having doubtless brought the indus-
try to an end.
155
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THE JOURNEY OF CORONADO
as these are close together, and considering
that there are people in each house, it ought
to make a large multitude. Totonteac is
declared to be seven short days from the
province of Cibola, and of the same sort of
houses and people, and they say that cotton
grows there. I doubt this, because they
tell me that it is a cold country. They say
that there are twelve villages, every one of
which is larger than the largest at Cibola.
They also tell me that there is a village which
is one day from Cibola, and that the two are
at war.' They have the same sort of houses
and people and customs. They declare this
to he greater than any of those described; I
take it that there is a great multitude of
people there. They are very well known,
on account of having these houses and abun-
dance of food and turquoises. I have not
been able to learn more than what I have
related, although, as I have said, I have had
with me Indians who have lived there fifteen
and twenty years.
"The death of Esteban the negro took
place in the way the father, Friar Marcos,
described it to your lordship, and so I do
not make a report of it here, except that the
people at Cibola sent word to those of this
village and in its neighborhood that if any
1 Doubtless the pueblo of Marata (Makyata) men-
tioned by Marco3 de Niza. This village was situ-
ated near the salt lake and had been destroyed by
the Zufiia some years before Niza visited New Meii-
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THE JOURNEY OP CORONADO
Christians should come, they ought cot to
consider them as anything peculiar, and
ought to kill them, because they were mortal
— saying that they had learned this because
they kept the bonea of the one who had
come there ; and that, if they did not dare to
do this, they should send word so that those
(at Cibola) could come and do it. I can
very easily believe that all this has taken
place, and that there has been some commu-
nication between these places, because of the
coolness with which they received us and
the sour faces they have shown us."
Melchior Diaz says that the people whom
he found along the way do not have any set-
tlements at all, except in one valley which
is 150 leagues from Culuacan, which is well
settled and has houses with lofts, and that
there are many people along the way, but
that they are not good for anything except
to make them Christians, as if this was of
small account. May Your Majesty remem-
ber to provide for the service of God, and
keep in mind the deaths and the loss of life
and of provinces which has taken place in
these Indies. And, moreover, up to this
present day none of the things Your Majesty
has commanded, which have been very holy
and good, have been attended to, nor priests
provided, either for that country or for this.
For I assure Your Majesty that there is no
trace of Christianity where they have not
yet arrived, neither little nor much, and
that the poor people are ready to receive the
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THE JOURNEY OP CORONADO
priests and coma to them even when they
flee from ub like deer in the mountains.
And I state this because I am an eyewitness,
and I have seen it clearly during this trip.
I have importuned Your Majesty for friars,
and yet again I can not cease doing it much
more, because unless this be done I can not
accomplish that which I am bound to do.
After I reach Mexico, I will give Your
Majesty an account of everything concern-
ing these provinces, for while I should like
to do it today, I can not, because I am very
weak from a slow fever which I caught in
Colima, which attacked me very severely,
although it did not last more than six days.
It has pleased Our Lord to make me well
already, and I have traveled here to Jacona,
where I am.
May Our Lord protect the Holy Catholic
Csesarian person of Your Majesty and ag-
grandize it with increase of bettor kingdoms
and lordships, as we your servants desire.
Ttom Jacona, April 17, 1540.
S. C. C. M.
Your Holy Majesty's humble servant, who>
salutes your royal feet and hands,
I). Antonio de Mendoza-
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TRANSLATION OF THE LETTER
FROM CORONADO TO MENDOZA,
AUGUST 3, 1540'
The Account Given bt Fbancisco Vazquez
db coronado, c attain -general op the
Force which was sent in the Name
of His Majesty to the Newly Dis-
covered Country, of What Happened
to the Expedition after April 22 of
the Year MDXL, when He Started
Forward from Culiacan, and of What
He Found in the Country through
Which He Passed.
I
Francisco Vazquez starts from Culiacan with hfa
army, and after suffering various inconveniences on
account of the badness of the way, reaches the Val-
ley of Hearts, where he failed to find any com, to
Srocure which he sends to the valley called SeEora.
le receives an account of the important Valley of
Hearts and of the people there, and of some land*
lying along that coast.
On the 22d of the month of April last, I
set out from the province of Culiacan with
a part of the army, having made the arrange-
' Translated from the Italian version, in Ramusio'a
Viaggi, vol. iii., fol. 858 (ed. 1556). There is another
English translation in Hakluyt's Voyages, vol. iii.,
p. 878 (ed. 1600). Hakluyt's translation Is reprinted
in Old South Leaflet, general series, No. 30. The
proper names, excepting such as are properly trans-
lated, are spelled as in the Italian text
1»
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THE JOURNEY OF COEONADO
rnente of which I wrote to Tour Lordship.
Judging by the outcome, I feel sure that
it waa fortunate that I did not Btart the
whole of the army on this undertaking, be-
cause the labors have been so very great and
the lack of food such that I do not believe
this undertaking could have been completed
before the end of this year, and that there
would be a great loss of life if it should be
accomplished. For, as I wrote to Your
Lordship, I spent eighty days in traveling to
Guliacan, 1 daring which time I and the gen-
tlemen of my company, who were horsemen,
carried on our backs and on our horses a lit-
tle food, in such wise that after leaving this
place none of us carried any necessary effects
weighing more than a pound. For all this,
and although we took all possible care and
forethought of the small supply of provisions
which we carried, it gave out. And this is
not to be wondered at, because the road is
rough and long, and what with our harque-
buses, which had to be carried up the moun-
tains and hills and in the passage of the
rivers, the greater part of the corn was lost.
And since I send Your Lordship a drawing
of this route, I will say no more about it
here.
1 This statement li probably not correct. It may
"be due to a blunder by Bamusio in translating from
the original text. Eighty days would be nearly the
time which Coronado probably spent on the journey
from Culiacan to Cibola, and this interpretation
would render the rest of the sentence much more in-
telligible.
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THE JOURNEY OF CORONADO
Thirty leagues before reaching the place
which the father provincial spoke so well of
in his report, 1 I sent Melchior Diaz forward
with fifteen horsemen, ordering him to make
bnt one day's journey out of two, so that
he could examine everything there before I
arrived. He traveled through some very
rough mountains for four days, and did not
find anything to live on, nor people, nor in-
formation about anything, except that he
found two or three poor villages, with twenty
or thirty huts apiece. From the people
here he learned that there was nothing to be
found in the country beyond except the
mountains, which continued very rough, en-
tirely uninhabited by people. And, because
this was labor lost, I did not want to send
Tour Lordship an account of it. The whole
company felt disturbed at this, that a thing
so much praised, and about which the father
had said so many things, should be found
so very different; and they began to think
that all the rest would be of the same sort.
When I noticed this, I tried to encourage
them as well as I could, telling them that
Tour Lordship had always thought that this
part of the trip would be a waste of effort,
and that we ought to devote our attention to
those Seven Cities and the other provinces
about which we had information—that these
should be the end of our enterprise. With
this resolution and purpose, we all marched
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THE JOURNEY OF CORONADO
cheerfully along a very bad way, where it
was impossible to pass without making a
new road or repairing the one that was there,
which troubled the soldiers not a little, con-
sidering that everything which the friar had
said was found to be quite the reverse ; be-
cause, among other things which the father
had said and declared, he said that the way
would be plain and good, and that there
would be only one small hill of about half a
league. And the truth is, that there are
mountains where, however well the path
might be fixed, they could not be crossed
without there being great danger of the
horses falling over them. And it was so
bad that a large number of the animals
which Your Lordship sent as provision for
the army were lost along this part of the
way, on account of the roughness of the
rocks. The lambs and wethers lost their
hoofs along the way, and I left the greater
part of those which I brought from Culiacan
at the river of Lachimi, 1 because they were
unable to travel, and so that they might pro-
ceed more slowly.
Four horsemen remained with them, who
have just arrived. They have not brought
more than 24 lambs and 4 wethers ; the rest
died from the toil, although they did not
travel more than two leagues daily. I
reached the Valley of Hearts at la3t, on the
26th day of the month of May, and rested
1 Doubtless the Yaquimi or Yaqui river.
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THE JOURNEY OP CORONADO
there a number of days. Between Culiacan
and this place I could sustain myself only
by means of a large supply of corn bread,
because I had to leave all the corn, as it was
not yet ripe. In this Valley of Hearts we
found more people than in any part of the
country which we had left behind, and a
large extent of tilled ground. There was no
corn for food among them, but as I heard .
that there was some in another valley called
Senora, which I did not wish to disturb by
force, I sent Melchior Diaz with goods to
exchange for it, bo as to give this to the
friendly Indians whom we brought with ub,
and to some who had lost their animals,
along the way and had not been able to
carry the food which they had taken from
Culiacan. By the favor of Our Lord, soma
little corn was obtained by this trading,
which relieved the friendly Indians and
some SpaniardB. Ten or twelve of the
horses had died of overwork by the time that
we reached this Valley of Hearts, because
they were unable to stand the strain of carry-
ing heavy burdens and eating little. Some
of our negroes and some of the Indians also
died here, which was not a alight loss for
the rest of the expedition. They told me
that the Valley of Hearts is a long five-days'
journey from the western sea. I sent to<
summon Indians from the coast in order to
learn about their condition, and while I was.
waiting for these the horses rested. I stayed
there four days, during which the Indians
168
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THE JOURNEY OF CORONADO
came from the sea, who told me that there
were seven or eight islands two days' journey
from that seacoast, directly opposite, well
populated with people, but poorly supplied
with food, and the people were savages. 1
They told me they bad seen a ship pass
not very far from the land. I do not know
whether to think that it was the one which
was sent to discover the country, or perhaps
some Portuguese.*
II
They come to Chichiltlcale,- after having taken
two days' rest, they enter a countrv containing very
little food and hard to travel for 80 leagues, beyond
which the country becomes pleasant, and there is a
river called the River of the Flax (del\Lino) ; they
light against the Indiana, being attacked by these;
and having by their victory secured the city, they
relieve themselves of the pangs of their bun&er.
I set out from the Hearts and kept rtuar
the seacoast as well as I could judge, but iR
fact I found myself continually farther off,
so that when I reached Chichilticale I found 1 -
that I was fifteen days' journey distant from
the sea, although the father provincial had
1 These were doubtless the Bcri, of Yuman stock,
who occupied a strip of the Qulf coast between lati-
tude 38" and 28° and the islands Angel de la Guardia
and Tiburon. The latter island, as well as the
coast of the adjacent mainland, Is still inhabited by
this trihe.
* As Indian news goes, there Is no reason why this
may not have been one of Ulloa's ships, which sailed
along this coast during the previous summer. It
can hardly have been a ship of Alarcon's fleet
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THE JOURNEY OP CORONADO
said that it was only 5 leagues distant and
that he had seen it. We all became very
distrustful, and felt great anxiety and dis-
may to see that everything was the reverse
of what he had told Your Lordship. The
Indians of Chichilticale say that when they
go to the sea for fish, or for anything else
that they need, they go across the country,
and that it takes them ten days ; and this
information which I have received from the
Indians appears to me to be true. The sea
turns toward the west directly opposite the
Hearts for 10 or 12 leagues, where I learned
that the ships of Your Lordship had been
seen, which had gone in search of the port
of Chichilticale, which the father said was
on the thirty-fifth degree.
Ood knows what I have suffered, because
I fear that they may have met with some
mishap. If they follow the coast, as they
said they would, as long as the food lasts
which they took with them, of which I left
them a supply in Culiacan, and if they have
not been overtaken by some misfortune, I
maintain my trust in God that they have
already discovered something good, for which
the delay which they have made may be
pardoned. I rested for two days at Chichil-
ticale, and there was good reason for staying
• longer, because we found that the horses
\ were becoming so tired ; but there was no
; chance to rest longer, because the food was
I giving out. I entered the borders of the
. wilderness region on Saint John's eve, and,
V 165
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THE JODRNEY OP CORONADO
for a change from our past labors, we found
no grass during the first days, but a worse
way through mountains and more dangerous
passages than we had experienced previously.
The horses were so tired that they were not
equal to it, so that in this last desert we lost
more horses than before ; and some Indian
allies and a Spaniard called Spinosa, besides
two negroes, died from eating some herbs
because the food had given out.
I sent the army -master, Don Garcia Lopez
de Cardenas, with 15 horsemen, a day's
march ahead of me, in order to explore the
country and prepare the way, which he ac-
complished lake the man that he is, and
agreeably to the confidence which Your Lord-
ship has had in him. I am the more certain
that he did so, because, as X have said, the
way is very bad for at least 30 leagues and
more, through impassable mountains. But
when we had passed these 30 leagues, we
found fresh rivers and grass like that of Cas-
tile, and especially one sort like what we
call Scaramoio ; many nut and mulberry
trees, but the leaves of the nut trees are dif-
ferent from those of Spain. There was a
considerable amount of flax near the banks
of one river, which was called on this ac-
count El Bio del Lino. No Indians were
seen during the first day's march, after which
four Indians came out with signs of peace,
saying that they had been sent to that
desert place to say that we were welcome,
and that on the next day the tribe would
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THE JOURNEY OF CORONADO
provide the whole force with food. The
army-master gave them a cross, telling them
to say to the people in their city that they
need not fear, and that they should have
their people stay in their own houses, be-
cause I was coming in the name of His Maj-
esty to defend and help them.
After this was done, Ferrando Alvarado
came back to tell me that some Indians had
met him peaceably, and that two of them
were with the army-master waiting for me,
I went to them forthwith and gave them
some paternosters and some little cloaks,
telling them to return to their city and say
to the people there that they could stay
quietly in their houses and that they need
not fear. After thia I ordered the army-
master to go and see if there were any bad
passages which the Indians might be able to
defend, and to seize and hold any such until
the next day, when I would come up. He
went, and found a very bad place in our
way where we might have received much
harm. He immediately established himself
there with the force which he was conduct-
ing. The Indians came that very night to
occupy that place so as to defend it, and
finding it taken, they assaulted our men.
According to what I have been told, they
attacked like valiant men, although in the
end they had to retreat in flight, because the
army-master was on the watch and kept his
men in good order. The Indians sounded
a little trumpet as a sign of retreat, and did
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THE JOUKMET OP CORONADO
not do any injury to the Spaniards. The
army-master sent me notice of this the same
night, so that on the next day I started with
as good order as I could, for we were in such
great need of food that I thought we should
all die of hunger if we continued to be with-
out provisions for another day, especially the
Indians, since altogether we did not have
two bushels of corn, and so I was obliged to
hasten forward without delay. The Indians-
lighted their fires from point to point, and
these were answered from a distance with as
good understanding as we could have shown.
Thus notice was given concerning how we
went and where we had arrived.
As soon as I came within sight of this
city, I sent the army-master, Don Garcia
Lopez, Friar Daniel and Friar Luis, and Fer-
rando Vermizzo, with some horsemen, a little
way ahead, so that they might find the In-
dians and tell them that we were not coming
to do them any harm, but to defend them
in the name of our lord the Emperor. The
summons, in the form which His Majesty
commanded in his instructions, was made
intelligible to the people of the country by
an interpreter. But they, being a proud
people, were little affected, because it seemed
to them that we were few in number, and
that they would not have any difficulty in
conquering us. They pierced the gown of
Friar Luis with an arrow, which, blessed be
God, did him no harm. Meanwhile I ar-
rived with all the rest of the horse and the
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THE JOURNEY OP COHONADO
footmen, and found a large body of the In-
dians on the plain, who began to shoot with
their arrows. In obedience to the orders of
Your Lordship and of the marquis,' I did
not wish my company, who were begging
me for permission, to attack them, telling
them that they ought not to offend them,
and that what the enemy was doing was
nothing, and that so few people ought not
to be insulted. On the other hand, when
the Indians saw that we did not move, they
took greater courage, and grew so bold that
they came up almost to the heels of our
horses to shoot their arrows. On this ac-
count I saw that it was no longer time to
hesitate, and as the priests approved the ac-
tion, I charged them. There was little to
do, because they suddenly took to flight,
part running toward the city, which was
near and well fortified, and others toward
the plain, wherever chance led them. Some
Indians were killed, and others might have
been slain if I could have allowed them to
be pursued. But I saw that there would be
little advantage in this, because the Indians
who were outside were few, and those who
had retired to the city were numerous, be-
sides many who had remained there in the
first place.
As that was where the food was, of which
1 It Is possible that this to a blunder, in Ramusio's
text, for "His Majesty." The Marquis, in New
Spain, is always Cortes, for whom neither Mendoza
nor Coronado had any especial regard.
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THE JOURNEY OF CORONADO
we stood in such great need, I assembled
my whole force and divided them as seemed
to me best for the attack on the city, and
surrounded it. The hunger which we suffered
would not permit of any delay, and bo I dis-
mounted with some of these gentlemen and
soldiers. I ordered the musketeers and
crossbowmen to begin the attack and drive
back the enemy from the defenses, so that
they could not do us any injury. I as-
saulted the wall on one side, where I was
told that there was a scaling ladder and that
there was also a gate. But the crossbow-
men broke all the strings of their crossbows
and the musketeers could do nothing, be-
cause they had arrived so weak and feeble
that they could scarcely stand on their feet;
On thiB account the people who were on
top were not prevented at all from defending
themselves and doing us whatever injury
they were able. Thus, for myself, they
knocked me down to the ground twice with
countless great Btonea which they threw
down from above, and if I had not been pro-
tected by the very good headpiece which I
wore, I think that the outcome would have
been had for me. They picked me up from
the ground, however, with two small wounds
in my face and an arrow in my foot, and
with many bruises on my arms and lege, and
in this condition I retired from the battle,
very weak. I think that if Don Garcia
Lopez de Cardenas had not come to my help,
like a good cavalier, the second time that
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THE JOURNEY OP CORONADO
they knocked me to the ground, by placing
hiB own body above mine, I should have
been in much greater danger than I was.
But, by the pleasure of God, these Indians
surrendered, and their city was taken with
the help of Our Lord, and a sufficient supply
of corn was found there to relieve our
The army-master and Don Pedro de Tovar
and Ferrando de Alvarado and Paulo de
Melgosa, the infantry captain, sustained
some bruises, although none of them were
wounded. Agoniez Quarez was hit in the
arm by an arrow, and one Torres, who lived
in Panuco, in the face by another, and two
other footmen received slight arrow wounds.
They all directed their attack against me
because my armor was gilded and glittered,
and on this account I was hurt more than
the rest, and not because I had done more or
was farther in advance than the others ; for
all these gentlemen and soldiers bore them-
selves well, as was expected of them. I
praise God that I am now well, although
somewhat sore from the stones. Two or
three other soldiers were hurt in the battle
which we had on the plain, and three horses
were killed — one that of Don Lopez and
another that of Vigliega and the third that
of Don Alfonso Manrich — and seven or eight
other horses were wounded ; but the men, as
well as the horses, have now recovered and
are well.
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Of the situation and condition of the Seven Cities
called the kingdom of Cevola, and the sort of people
and their customs, and of the inJB Ms ta which are
found there.
It now remains for me to tell about this
city and kingdom and province, of which
the Father Provincial gave Your Lordship
an account. Id brief, I can assure you that
in reality he has not told the truth in a sin-
gle thing that he said, but everything is the
reverse of what he said, except the Dame of
the city and the large stone houses. For,
although they are not decorated with tur-
quoises. Dor made of lime nor of good bricks,
nevertheless they are very good houses, with
three and four and five stories, where there
are very good apartments and good rooms
with corridors, 1 and some very good rooms
under ground and paved, which are made
for winter, and are something like a sort of
hot baths.' The ladders which they have
for their houses are all movable and portable,
which are taken up and placed wherever
they please. They are made of two pieces
of wood, with rounds like ours.
The Seven Cities are seven little villages,
'Hakluyt: . . . "very excellent good houses of
three or foure or flue lofts high, -wherein are good
lodgings and faire chambers with lathers In stead of
RfcH.irp.fi.
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THE JOURNEY OP CORONADO
all having the kind of houses I have de-
scribed. They are all within a radius of 5
leagues. They are all called the kingdom
of Cevola, and each has its own name and
no single one is called Cevola, but all to-
gether are called Cevola. This one which I
have called a city I have named Granada,
partly because it has some similarity to it,
as well as out of regard for Tour Lordship.
In this place where I am now lodged there
are perhaps 200 houses, all surrounded by a
wall, and it seems to me that with the other
houses, which are not so surrounded, there
might be altogether 500 families. There is
another town near by, which is one of the
seven, but somewhat larger than this, and
another of the same size as this, and the
other four are somewhat smaller. I send
them all to Your Lordship, painted with
the route. The skin on which the painting
is made was found here with other skins.
The people of the towns seem to me to be
of ordinary size and intelligent, although I
do not think that they have the judgment
and intelligence which they ought to have
to build these houses in the way in which
they have, for most of them are entirely
naked except the covering of their privy
parts, and they have painted mantles like
the one which I send to Your Lordship.
They do not raise cotton, because the coun-
try is very cold, but they wear mantles, as
may be seen by the exhibit which I send.
It is also true that some cotton thread was
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THE JOURNEY OF CORONADO
found in their houses. They wear the hair
on their heads like the Mexicans. They all
have good figures, and are well bred. I
think that they have a quantity of turquoises,
which they had removed with the rest of
their goods, except the corn, when I arrived,
because I did not find any women here nor
any men under 15 years or over 60, except
two or three old men who remained in com-
mand of all the other men and the warriors.
Two points of emerald and some little broken
stones which approach the color of rather
poor garnets ' were found in a paper, besides-
other atone crystals, which I gave to one of
my servants to keep until they could be
sent to Your Lordship. He has lost them,
as they tell me. We found fowls, but only
a few, and yet there are some. The Indians-
tell me that they do not eat these in any of
the seven villages, but that they keep them
merely for the sake of procuring the feathers.*
I do not believe this, because they are
very good, and better than those of Mexico.
The climate of this country and tho tem-
perature of the air is almost like that of
Mexico, because it is sometimes hot and
sometimes it rains. I have not yet seen it
rain, however, except once when there fell a
little shower with wind, such as often falls
1 Many garnets are found on the ant-bills through-
out the region, especially is the Navajo country.
* The natives doubtless told the truth. Eagle and
turkey feathers are still highly prized by them for
use in their ceremonies.
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THE JOURNEY OF CORONADO
in Spain. The snow and the cold ate visu-
ally very great, according to what the natives
of the country all say. This may very
probably be so, both because of the nature of
the country and the sort of houses they build
and the skins and other things which these
people have to protect them from the cold.
There are no kinds of fruit or fruit trees.
The country is all level, and is nowhere shut
in by high mountains, although there are-
some hills and rough passages.' There are
not many birds, probably because of the
cold, and because there are no mountains
near. There are no trees fit for firewood
here, because they can bring enough for
their needs from a clump of very small
cedars 4 leagues distant.' Very good grass
is found a quarter of a league away, where
there is pasturage for our horses as well as
mowing for hay, of which we had great
need, because our horses were so weak and
feeble when they arrived.
The food which they eat in this country
is corn, of which they have a great abun-
dance, and beans and venison, which they
probably eat (although they say that they do-
not), because we found many skins of deer
and hares and rabbits. They make the best
1 It should be noted that Coronado clearly distin-
guishes between bills or mesas and mountains. Zufii
valley Is hemmed in by heights varying from 600 to
1,000 feet.
1 This accords perfectly with the condition of the
vegetation in Zufii valley at toe present time.
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THE JOURNEY OP CORONADO
corn cakes I have ever seen anywhere, and
this is what everybody ordinarily eats. They
have the very best arrangement and machin-
ery for grinding that was ever seen [plate
LXTvj. One of these Indian women here
will grind as much as four of the Mexicans.
They have very good salt in crystals, which
they bring from a lake a day's journey dis-
tant from here. No information can be ob-
tained among them about the North sea or
that on the west, nor do I know how to tell
Your Lordship which we are nearest to. I
should judge that it is nearer to the western,
and 150 leagues is the nearest that it seems
to me it can be thither. The North sea
ought to be much farther away. YourLord-
Bhip may thus see how very wide the coun-
try is. They have many animals — bears,
tigers, lions, porcupines, and some sheep as
big as a horse, with very large horns and
little tails. I have seen some of their horns
the size of which was something to marvel
at. There: are also wild goats, whose heads
I have seen, and the paws of the bears and
the skins df the wild boars. For game they
have deer, leopards, and very large deer,'
and every one thinks that some of them are
larger than that animal which Your Lordship
favored me with, which belonged to Juan
Melaz. They inhabit some plains eight
days' journey toward the north. They have
some of their skins here very well dressed,
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THE JOUKNEY OP COBONADO
and they prepare and paint them where they
kill the cows, according to what they tell
me.
IV
Of the nature arid situation of the kingdoms of
Totonteac, Marata, and Acus, wholly different from
the account of Friar Marcos. The conference which
they had with the Indiana of the city of Granada,
which they had captured, who had been forewarned
of the coming of Christians into their country fifty
yean before. The account which was obtained
from them concerning seven other cities, of which
Tucano is the chief, and how he sent to discover
them. A present sent to Mendoza of various things
found In this country by Vazquez Coronado.
These Indiana say that the kingdom of
Totonteac, which the father provincial praised
so much, saying that it was something mar-
velous, and of such a very great size, and that
cloth was made there, is a hot lake, on the
edge of which there are five or six houses. 1
There used to be some others, but these
have been destroyed by war. The kingdom
of Marata can not be found, nor do these
Indians know anything about it. The king-
dom of Acus is a single small city, where
they raise cotton, and this is called Acucu.*
I say that this Is the country, because Acus,
with or without the aspiration, is not a word
1 Coronado doubtless misinterpreted what the na-
tives intended to communicate. The "hot lake"
was in all probability the salt lake alluded to on
page 154, near which Marata was situated. Toton-
teac was of course Tusayan, or " Tucano. "
'This is a form of the Zufii name for Acoma—
TTqlriilrln
177
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THE JOURNEY OF COHONADO
in this region ; and because it seema to me
that Acucu may be derived fromAcus,I say
that it is this town which has been converted
into the kingdom of Acus. They tell me
that there are some other small ones not far
from this settlement, which are situated on
a river which I have seen and of which the
Indians have told me. God knows that I
wish I had better news to write to Your
Lordship, but I must give you the truth,
and, as I wrote you from Culiacan, I must
advise you of the good as well as of the bad.
But you may be assured that if there had
been all the riches and treasures of the
world, I could not have done more in His
Majesty's service and in that of Your Lord-
ship than I have done, in coming here where
you commanded me to go, carrying, both my
companions and myself, our food on our
backs for 300 leagues, and traveling on foot
many days, making our way over hills and
rough mountains, besides other labors which
I refrain from mentioning. Nor do I think
of stopping until my death, if it serves His
Majesty or Your Lordship to have it so.
Three days after I captured this city, some
of the Indians who lived here came to offer
to make peace. They brought me some tur-
quoises and poor mantles, aud I received
them in His Majesty's name with as good a
.speech as I could, making them understand
the purpose of my coming to this country,
which is, in the name of His Majesty and
by the commands of Your Lordship, that
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THE JOURNEY OP CORONADO
they and all others in this province should
become Christians and should know the true
God for their Lord, and His Majesty for
their king and earthly lord. After this they
returned to their houses and suddenly, the:
next day, they packed up their goods and
property, their women and children, and
fled to the hills, leaving their towns deserted,
with only some few remaining in them.
Seeing this, I went to the town which I said
was larger than this, eight or ten days later,
when I had recovered from my wounds. I
found a few of them there, whom I told that
they ought not to feel any fear, and I asked
them to summon their lord to me. By
what I can find out or observe, however,-
□one of these towns have any, since I have
not seen any principal house by which any
superiority over others could be shown. 1
Afterward, an old man, who said he was
their lord, came with a mantle made of many
pieces, with whom I argued as long as he
stayed with me. He said that he would
come to Bee me with the rest of the chiefs of
the country, three days later, in order to
arrange the relations which should exist be-
tween us. He did so, and they brought me
some little ragged mantles and some tur-
1 As clear a description of the form of tribal gov-
ernment among the Pueblo Indians as ia anywhere
to be found ia in Bandelier'a Story, The Delight
Makers. Mr. Bandelier has been most successful In
his effort to picture the actions and spirit of Indian
life.
179
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THE JOURNEY OP CORONADO
quoises. I said that they ought to come
down from their strongholds and return to
their houses with their wives and children,
and that they should become Christians, and
recognize His Majesty as their king and
lord. But they still remain in their strong-
holds, with their wives and all their property.
I commanded them to have a cloth painted
for me, with all the animals that they know
in that country, and although they are poor
painters, they quickly painted two for me,
one of the animals and the other of the birds
and fishes. They say that they will bring
their children bo that our priests may in-
struct them, and that they desire to know
our law. They declare that it was foretold
among them more than fifty years ago that
a people such as we are should come, and
the direction they should come from, and
that the whole country would be conquered.
So far as I can find out, the water is what
these Indians worship, because they say that
it makes the corn grow and sustains their
life, and that the only other reason they
know is because their ancestors did so. 1 I
have tried in every way to find out from the
natives of these settlements whether they
know of any other peoples or provinces or
1 Dr. J. Walter Fewkes has conclusively shown
that the snake dance, probably the most dramatic of
Indian ceremonials, Is essentially a prayer for rain.
Coming as it does just as the natural rainy season
approaches, the prayer is almost Invariably an-
swered.
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THE JOURNEY OP CORONADO
cities. They tell me about seven cities
which are at a considerable distance, which
are like these, except that the houses there
are not like these, hut are made of earth
[adobe] , and small, and that they raise much
cotton there. The first of these four places
about which they know is called, they say,
Tucano. They could not tell me much
about the others. I do not believe that they
tell me the truth, because they think that I
shall soon have to depart from them and re-
turn home. But they will quickly find that
they are deceived in this. I sent Don Pedro
de Tobar there, with his company and soma
other horsemen, to see it. I would not have
dispatched this packet to Your Lordship
until I had learned what he found there, if
I thought that I should have any news
from him within twelve or fifteen days.
However, as he will remain away at least
thirty, and, considering that this information
is of little importance and that the cold and
the rains are approaching, it seemed to me
that I ought to do as Your Lordship com-
manded me in your instructions, which is,
that as soon as I arrived here, I should ad-
vise you thereof, and this I do, by sending
you the plain narrative of what I have seen,
which is bad enough, as you may perceive.
I have determined to send throughout all the
surrounding regions, in order to find out
whether there is anything, and to suffer
every extremity before I give up this enter-
prise, and to serve His Majesty, if I can find
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THE JOURHBT OP CORONADO
any way in which to do it, and not to lack
in diligence until Your Lordship directs me
as to what I ought to do.
We have great need of pasture, and you
should know, also, that among all those who
are here there is not one pound of raisins,
nor sugar, nor oil, nor wine, except barely
half a quart, which is saved to say mass,
since everything is consumed, and part was
lost on the way. Now, you can provide us
with what appears best ; but if you are think-
ing of sending us cattle, you should know
that it will be necessary for them to spend
at least a year on the road, because they can
not come in any other way, nor any quicker.
I would have liked to send to Your Lord-
ship, with this dispatch, many samples of
the things which they have in this country,
but the trip is so long and rough that it is
difficult for me to do so. However, I send
you twelve small mantles, such as the people
of this country ordinarily wear, and a gar-
ment which seems to me to be very well
made. I kept it because it seemed to me to
be of very good workmanship, and because I
do not think that anyone has ever seen in
these Indies any work done with a needle,
unless it were done since the Spaniards set-
tled here. And I also send two cloths
painted with the animals which they have
in this country, although, as I said, the
painting is very poorly done, because the
artist did not spend more than one day in
painting it. I have seen other paintings on
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THE JOURNEY OF CORONADO
the walls of these houses which have much
better proportion and are done much better.
I send you a cow skin, some turquoises,
and two earrings of the same, and fifteen of
the Indian combs, 1 and some plates decorat-
ed with these turquoises, and two baskets
made of wicker, of which the Indians have
a large supply. I also send two rolls, such
as the women usually wear on their heads
when they bring water from the spring, the
same way that they do in Spain. One of
these Indian women, with one of these rolls
on her head, will carry a jar of water up a
ladder without touching it with her hands.
And, lastly, I send you samples of the weap-
ons with which the natives of this country
fight, a shield, a hammer, and a bow with
some arrows, among which there are two
with bone points, the like of which have
never been seen, according to what these
conquerors say. As far as I can judge, it
does not appear to me that there is any hope
of getting gold or silver, but I trust in God
that, if there is any, we shall get cur share
of it, and it shall not escape us through any
lack of diligence in the search.' I am una-
ble to give Your Lordship any certain in-
formation about the dress of the women,
because the Indians keep them guarded so
1 Possibly those used in weaving.
* The conquerors, in the literature of New Spain,
are almost always those who shared with Cortes in
the labors and the glory of the Spanish conquest of
Mexico.
183
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THE JOURNEY OF CORONADO
carefully that I have not seen any, except
two old women. These had on two long
skirts reaching down to their feet and open in
front, and a girdle, and they are tied together
with some cotton strings. I asked the In-
dians to give me one of those which they
wore, to send to you, since they were not
willing to show me the women. They
brought me two mantles, which are these
that I send, almost painted over. They
have two tassels, like the women of Spain,
which hang somewhat over their shoulders.
The death of the negro is perfectly certain,
because many of the things which he wore
have been found, and the Indians say that
they killed him here because the Indiana of
Chichilticale said that he was a bad man,
and not like the Christians, because the
Christiana never kill women, and be killed
them, and because he assaulted their women,
whom the TnitifTia love better than them-
selves. Therefore they determined to kill
him, but they did not do it in the way that
was reported, because they did not kill any
of the others who came with him, nor did
they kill the lad from the province of Petat-
lan, who waa with him, but they took him
and kept him in safe custody until now.
When I tried to secure him, they made ex-
cused for not giving him to me, for two or
three daya, saying that he was dead, and at
other times that the Indians of Acucu bad
taken him away. But when I finally told
them that I should be very angry if they
184
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THE JOURNEY OF CORONADO
did not give him to me, they gave him to
me. He ia an interpreter; for although he
can not talk much, he understands very
welL
Some gold and silver has been found in
this place, which those who know about min-
erals say is not bad. I have not yet been
able to learn from these people where they
got it. I perceive that they refuse to tell
me the truth in everything, because they
think that I shall have to depart from here
in a short time, as I have said. But I trust
in God that they will not be able to avoid
answering much longer. I beg Your Lord-
ship to make a report of the success of this
expedition to His Majesty, because there is
nothing more than what I have already said.
I shall not do so until it shall please God to
grant that we find what we desire. Our
Lord God protect and keep your most illus-
' trious Lordship. From the province of
Cevola, and this city of Granada, the 3d of
August, 1540. Francisco Vazquez de Coro-
nado kisses the hand of your most illustrious
Lordship.
am Google
TRANSLATION OF THE TRASLADO
DE LAS NUEVAS 1
Copt of the Repobts and Desceiptions
that Have Been Received Regarding
the Discovery of a City which is
called Cibola, Situated in the New
Country.
His grace left the larger part of his army
in the valley of Culiacan, and with only 75
companions on horseback and 30 footmen,
he set out for here Thursday, April 22. The
army which remained there was to start
about the end of the month of May, because
they could not find any sort of sustenance
for the whole of the way that they had to
go, as far as this province of Cibola, which
is 350 long leagues, and on this account he
did not dare to put the whole army on the
road. As for the men he took with him, he
ordered them to make provision for eighty
days, which was carried on horses, each hav-
ing one for himself and his followers. With
very great danger of suffering hunger, and
1 Translated from Pacheco y Cardenas, Documen-
tos de Indias, vol, xix.. p. 529. This document la
anonymous, but it is evidently a copy of a letter
from some trusted companion, written from Granada-
Hawikub, about the time of Coronado's letter of
August 3, 1540. In the title to the document as
printed, the date is given as 1531 . but there can bo
so doubt that It is on account of Coronado's journey.
18*
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THE JO0RNEY OP CORONADO
not less labor, since they had to open the
way, and every day discovered waterways
and rivers with bad crossings, they stood it
after a fashion, and on the whole journey
as far as this province there was not a peck
of corn.
He reached this province on Wednesday,
the 7th of July last, with all the men whom
he led from the valley very well, praise be
to Our Lord, except one Spaniard who died
of hunger four days from here and some
negroes and Indians who also died of hunger
and thirst. The Spaniard was one of those
on foot, and was named Espinosa. In this
way his grace spent seventy-seven days on
the road before reaching here, during which
God knows in what sort of a way we lived,
and whether we could have eaten much
more than we ate the day that his grace
reached this city of Granada, for so it has
been named out of regard for the viceroy,
and because they say it resembles the Albai-
oin.' The force he led was not received the
way it should have been, because they all
arrived very tired from the great labor of the
journey. This, and the loading and unload-
ing like so many muleteers, and not eating
as much as they should have, left them more
in need of resting several days than of fight-
ing, although there was not a man in the
1 A part of Granada, near the Alhambra. There
Is a curious similarity in the names Aibaicin and
Hawikuh, the latter being the native name of Coro-
nado's Granada.
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THE JOURNEY OF CORONADO
army who would not have done his best in
everything if the horses, who suffered the
same as their masters, could have helped
them.
The city was deserted by men over sixty
years and under twenty, and by women and
children. All who were there were the
fighting men who remained to defend the
city, and many of them came out, about a
crossbow shot, uttering loud threats. The
general himself went forward with two priests
and the army-master, to urge them to sur-
render, as is the custom in new countries.
The reply that he received was from many
arrows which they let fly, and they wounded
Hernando Bermejo's horse and pierced the
loose flap of the frock of father Friar Luis,
the former companion of the Lord Bishop of
Mexico. When this was seen, taking as
their advocate the Holy Saint James, 1 he
rushed upon them with all his force, which
he bad kept in very good order, and although
the Indians turned their backs and tried to
reach the city, they were overtaken and
many of them killed before they could reach
it. They killed three horses and wounded
seven or eight.
When my lord the general reached the city,
he saw that it was surrounded by stone
walls, and the houses very high, four and
five and even six stories apiece, with their
flat roofs and balconies. As the Indians
1 Uttering the war cry of Santiago.
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THE JOURNEY OP CORONADO
bad made themselves secure within it, and
would not let anyone come Dear without
shooting arrows at him, and as we could not
obtain anything to eat unless we captured
it, his grace decided to enter the city on foot
and to surround it by men on horseback, so
that the Indians who were inside could not
get away. As he was distinguished among
them all by his gilt arms and a plume on
his headpiece, all the Indians aimed at him,
because he was noticeable among all, and
they knocked him down to the ground twice
by chance stones thrown from the flat roofs,
and stunned him in spite of his headpiece,
and if this had not been so good, I doubt if
he would have come out alive from that en-
terprise, and besides all this — praised be Our
Lord that he came out on his own feet —
they hit him many times with stones on his
head and shoulders and legs, and he received
two small wounds on his face and an arrow
wound in the right foot ; but despite all this
his grace is as sound and well as the day he
left that city. And you 1 may assure my
lord of all this, and also that on the 19th of
July last he went 4 leagues from this city to
see a rock where they told him that the
Indians of this province had fortified them-
selves,' and he returned the same day, so that
he went 8 leagues in going and returning.
I think I have given you an account of
1 The printed manuscript la T. H., which signifies
Tour Majesty.
' Doubtless Thunder mountain.
Unitized I:, GoOglt!
THE JODBHET OF CORONADO
everything, for it is right that I should be
the authority for you and his lordship, to
assure yon that everything is going well with
the general my lord, and without any hesita-
tion I can assure you that he is as well and
eomid as the day he left the city. He is
located within the city, for when the Indiana
saw that his grace was determined to enter
the city, then they abandoned it, since they
let them go with their lives. We found in
it what we needed more than gold and sil-
ver, and that was much corn and beans and
fowls, better than those of New Spain, and
salt, the best and whitest that I have seen
in all my life.
This is thb Latest Account op Cibola,
and of moee than foob hundred
Leagues Beyond. 1
It is more than 300 leagues from Culia-
can to Cibola, uninhabited most of the way.
There are very few people there ; the coun-
try is sterile ; the roads are very bad. The
people go around entirely naked, except the
women, who wear white tanned deer skins
from the waist down, something like little
skirts, reaching to the feet. Their houses
1 Prom a manuscript In the possession of the fam-
ily of the late Sr. D. Joaquin Garcia Icazbalceta, of
the City of Mexico. This appears to be a transcript
from letters written, probably at Tfguex, on the Rio
Grande, during the late summer or early fail of
1541.
100
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THE JOUKHB? OP COROHADO.
are of mats made of reeds ; the houses are
round and small, so that there is hardly room
inside for a man on his feet. The country
is sandy where they live near together and
where they plant. They raise corn, bnt not
very much, and beans and melons, and they
also live on game — rabbits, hares, and deer,
They do not have sacrifices. This is between
Culiacan and Cibola.
Cibola is a village of about 200 houses.
They have two and three and four and five
stories. The walls are about a handbreadth
thick ; the sticks of timber are as large aa
the wrist, and round ; for boards, they have
very small bushes, with their leaves on,
covered with a sort of greenish-colored mud ;
the walls are of dirt and mud, the doors of
the houses are like the hatchways of ships.
The houses are close together, each joined
to the others. Outside of the houses they
have some hot-houses (or estufas) of dirt
mud, where they take refuge from the cold
in the winter — because this is very great,
since it snows Biz months in the year.
Some of these people wear cloaks of cotton
and of the maguey (or Mexican aloe) and of
tanned deer skin, and they wear Bhoes made
of these skins, reaching up to the knees.
They also make cloaks of the skins of hares
and rabbits, with which they cover them-
selves. The women wear cloaks of the
maguey, reaching down to the feet, with
girdles ; they wear their hair gathered about
the ears like little wheels. They raise coin
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THE JOURNEY OP CORONADO.
and beans and melons, which is all they
need to live on, because it is a small tribe.
The land where they plant is entirely Bandy ;
the water is brackish ; the country is very
dry. They have some fowls, although not
many. They do not know what sort of a
thing fish is. There are seven villages in
this province of Cibola within a space of 5
leagues ; the largest may have about 200
houses and two others about 200, and the
others somewhere between 60 or 50 and 30
houses.
It is 60 leagues from Cibola to the river
and province of Tibex [Tiguex] . The first
village is 40 leagues from Cibola, and is
called Acuco. This village is on top of a
very strong rock ; it has about 200 houses,
built in the same way as at Cibola, where
they speak another language. It is 20
leagues from here to the river of Tiguex.
The river is almost as wide as that of
Seville, although not so deep; it flows
through a level country ; the water is good ;
it contains some fish; it rises in the north.
He who relates this, saw twelve villages
within a certain distance of the river ; others
saw more, they say, up the river. Below,
all the villages are small, except two that
have about 200 houses. The walls of tbeso
houses are something like mud walls of dirt
and sand, very rough ; they are aa thick as
the breadth of a hand. The houses have
two and three stories; the construction is
like those at Cibola. The country is very
US
],!,r,z«j I:, Google
THE JOURNEY OP CORONADO
cold. They have hot-houses, aa in Cibola,
and the river freezes so thick that loaded
animals cross it, and it would be possible for
carts to do so. They raise as much corn as
they need, and beans and melons. They
have some fowls, which they keep so as to
make cloaks of their feathers. They raise
cotton, although not much ; they wear cloaks
made of this, and shoes of hide, as at Cibola.
These people defend themselves very well,
and from within their houses, since they do
not care to come out. The country is all
sandy.
Four days' journey from the province and
river of Tiguex four villages are found. The
first has 30 houses ; the second is a large
village destroyed in their wars, and has about
35 houses occupied ; the third about
These three are like those at the river in
every way. The fourth is a large village
which is among Bome mountains. It is
called Cicuic, and has about 50 houses, with
aa many stories aa those at Cibola. The
walls are of dirt and mud like thoae at
Cibola. It has plenty of corn, beans and
melons, and some fowls. Four days from
this village they came to a country as level
as the sea, and in these plains there was
such a multitude of cows that they are num-
berleaa. These cows are like those of Castile,
and somewhat larger, as they have a little
hump on the withers, and they are more
reddish, approaching black ; their hair, more
than a span long, hangs down around their
sit, Google
THE JOURNEY OP CORONADO
horns and ears and chic, and along the neck
and shoulders like manes, and down from
the knees ; all the rest is a very fine wool,
like merino; they have very good, tender
meat, and much fat.
Having proceeded many days through
these plains, they came to a settlement of
about 200 inhabited houses. The houses
were made of the skins of the cows, tanned
white, like pavilions or army tents. The
maintenance or sustenance of these Indians
comes entirely from the cows, because they
neither sow nor reap corn. With the skins
they make their houses, with the skins they
clothe and shoe themselves, of the skins they
make rope, and 'also of the wool; from the
sinews they make thread, with which they
sew their clothes and also their houses ; from
the bones they make awls ; the dung serves
them for wood, because there is nothing else
in that country; the stomachs serve them
for pitchers and vessels from which they
drink ; they live on the flesh ; they some-
times eat it half roasted and warmed over the
dung, at other times raw; seizing it with
their fingers, they pull it out with one hand
and with a flint knife in the other they cut
off mouthfuls, and thus swallow it half
chewed ; they eat the fat raw, without warm-
ing it; they drink the blood just as it leaves
the cows, and at other times after it has run
out, cold and raw ; they have no other means
of livelihood.
These people have dogs like those in this
104
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THE JOURNEY OP COHONADO
country, except that they are somewhat
larger, and they load these dogs like beasts
of burden, and make saddles for them like
our pack saddles, and they fasten them with
their leather thongs, and these make their
backs sore on the withers like pack animals.
When they go hunting, they load these with,
their necessities, and when they move — for
these Indians are not settled in one place,
since they travel wherever tha cows move,
to support themselves — these dogs carry
their houses, and they have the sticks of
their houses dragging along tied on to the
pack-saddles, besides the load which they
carry on top, and the load may be, according
to the dog, from 35 to 50 pounds. It is 30
leagues, or even more, from Cibola to these
plains where they went. The plains stretch
away beyond, nobody knows how far. The
captain, Francisco Vazquez, went farther
across the plains, with 30 horsemen, and
Friar Juan do Padilla with him ; all the rest
of the force returned to the settlement at the
river to wait for Francisco Vazquez, because
this was his command. It is not known
whether ho has returned.
The country is so level that men became
lost when they went off half a league. One
horseman was lost, who never reappeared,
and two horses, all saddled and bridled,
which they never saw again. No track was
left of where they went, and on this account
it was necessary to mark the road by which
they went with cow dung, so as to return,
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THE JOURNEY OP COBONADO
since there were no stones or anything
else.
Marco Polo, the Venetian, in his treatise,
in chapter 15, relates and says that (he saw)
the same cows, with the same sort or hump ;
and in the same chapter he says that there
are sheep as big as horses.
Nicholas, the Venetian, gave an account
to Micer Pogio, the Florentine, in his second
book, toward the end, which says that in
Ethiopia there are oxen with a hump, like
camels, and they have horns 3 cubits long,
and they carry their horns up over their
backs, and one of those horns makes a wine
pitcher.
Marco Polo, in chapter 134, says that in
the country of the Tartars, toward the north,
they have dogs as large or little smaller than
asses. They harness these into a sort of
cart and with these enter a very miry coun-
try, all a quagmire, where other animals can
not enter and come out without getting
submerged, and on this account they take
dogs.
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TRANSLATION OF THE EELACION
DEL SUCESO'
accotwt of what happened on the
joubney which fsahcisco vazquez
Made to Discover Cibola.
When the army reached the valley of
Culiacan, Francisco Vazquez divided the
army on account of the bad news which was
received regarding Cibola, and because the
food supply along the way was small, accord-
ing to the report of Melchor Diaz, who had
just come back from seeing it. He himself
took 80 horsemen and 25 foot soldiers, and
a small part of the artillery, and set out
from Culiacan, leaving Don Tristan d©
Arellano with the rest of the force, with
orders to set out twenty days later, and
when he reached the Valley of Hearts (Cora-
zones) to wait there for a letter from him,
which would be sent after he had reached
1 The Spanish test of this document is printed In
Buckingham Smith's Florida, p. 147, from a copy
made by Mufloz, and also in Faclieco y Cardenas,
Documentos de Indias, vol. xiv., p, 318, from a copy
found in the Archives of the Indies at Seville. No
date Is given in the document, but there can be no
doubt that it refers to Coronado's expedition. la
the heading to the document in the Pacueco y Car-
denas Coleccion, the date is given as 1581, and it is
placed under that year in the chronologic index of
the Coleccion.
197
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THE JOURNEY OP COBONADO
Cibola, and had seen what was there ; and
this was done. The Valley of Hearts is 150
leagues from the valley of Culiacan, and the
same distance from Cibola.
This whole distance, up to about 50
leagues before reaching Cibola, is inhabited,
although it is away from the road in some
places. The population is all of the same
sort of people, since the houses are all of
palm mats, and some of them have low lofts.
They all have corn, although not much, and
in some places very little. They have melons
and beans. The best settlement of all is a
valley called Sefiora, which is 10 leagues be-
yond the Hearts, where a town was afterward
settled. There is some cotton among these,
hut deer skins are what most of them use
for clothes.
Francisco Vazquez passed by all these on
account of the small crops. There was no
corn the whole way, except at this valley of
Sefiora, where they collected a little, and
besides this he had what he took from Culia-
can, where he provided himself for eighty
days. In seventy-three days we reached
Cibola, although after bard labor and the
loss of many horses and the death of several
Indians, and after we saw it these were all
doubled, although we did find corn enough.
We found the natives peaceful for the whole
way.
The day we reached the first village part
of them came out to fight us, and the rest
stayed in the village and fortified themselves.
IDS
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THE JOTJRNET OP CORONADO
It was not possible to make peace with
these, although we tried hard enough, so it
was necessary to attack them and kill some
of them. The rest then drew back to the
village, which was then surrounded and at-
tacked. We had to withdraw, on account
of the great damage they did us from the
fiat roofs, and we began to assault them from
a distance with the artillery and muskets,
and that afternoon they surrendered. Fran-
cisco Vazquez came out of it badly hurt by
some stones, and I am certain, indeed, that
he would have been there yet if it had not
been for the army-master, D. Garcia Lopez
do Cardenas, who rescued him. When the
Indians surrendered, they abandoned the
village and went to the other villages, and
as they left the houses we made ourselves at
home in them.
Father Friar Marcos understood, or gave
to understand, that the region and neighbor-
hood in which there are seven villages was
a single village which he called Cibola, but
the whole of this settled region is called
Cibola. The villages have from 150 to 200
and 300 houses; some have the houses of
the village all together, although in some
villages they are divided into two or three
sections, but for the most part they are all
together, and their courtyards are within,
and in these are their hot rooms for winter,
and they have their summer ones outside the
villages. The houses have two or three
stories, the walls of stone and mud, and some
109
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THE JOURHET OP CORONADO
have mad walls. The villages have for the
most part the walls of the houses ; the houses
are too good for Indians, especially for these,
since they are brutish and have no decency
in anything except in their houses.
For food they have much corn and beans
and melons, and some fowls, like those of
Mexico, and they keep these more for their
feathers than to eat, because they make long
robes of them, since they do not have any
cotton ; and they wear cloaks of heniquen (a
fibrous plant), and of the skins of deer, and
sometimes of cows.
Their rites and sacrifices are somewhat
idolatrous, but water is what they worship
most, to which they offer small painted sticks
and feathers and yellow powder made of
flowers, and usually this offering ia made to
springs. Sometimes, also, they offer such
turquoises as they have, although poor ones.
From the valley of Culkcan to Cibola it
is 240 leagues in two directions. It is north
to about the thirty-fourth-and-a-half degree,
and from there to Cibola, which is nearly
the thirty-seventh degree, toward the north-
east.
Having talked with the natives of Cibola
about what was beyond, they said that there
were settlements toward the west. Fran-
cisco Vazquez then sent Don Pedro de Tobar
to investigate, who found seven other vil-
lages, which were called the province of
Tuzan ; this is 35 leagues to the west. The
villages are somewhat larger than those of
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THE JOURNEY OP CORONADO
Cibola, and in other respects, in food and
everything, they are of the same sort, except
that these raise cotton. While Don Pedro
de Tobar had gone to see these, Francisco
Vazquez dispatched messengers to the vice-
roy, with an account of what had happened
up to this point. 1 He also prepared instruc-
tions for these to take to Don Tristan, who
as I have said, was at Hearts, for him to
proceed to Cibola, and to leave a town estab-
lished in the valley of Senora, which he did,
and in it he left 80 horsemen of the men
who had but one horse and the weakest men,
and Melchor Diaz with them as captain and
leader, because Francisco Vazquez had so
arranged for it. He ordered him to go from
there with half the force to explore toward
the west; and he did so, and traveled 150
leagues, to the river which Hernando de
Alarcon entered from the sea, which he
called the Buenaguia. The settlements and
people that are in this direction are mostly
like those at the Hearts, except at the river
and around it, where the people have much
better figures and have more corn, although
the houses in which they live are hovels,
like pig pens, almost under ground, with a
covering of straw, and made without any
skill whatever. This river is reported to be
large. They reached it 30 leagues from the
coast, where, and as far again above, Alarcon
had come up with his boats two months be-
1 See the letter of August 8, 3540.
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THE JOURNEY/ OP CORONADO
fore they reached it. This river runs north
and south there. Melchor Diaz passed on
toward the west five or six days, from which
he returned for the reason that he did not
find any water or vegetation, but only many
stretches of sand ; and he had some fighting
on his return to the river and its vicinity,
because they wanted to take advantage of
him while crossing the river. While return-
ing Melchor Diaz died from an accident, by
which he killed himself, throwing a lance at
a dog.
After Don Pedro de Tobar returned and
had given an account of those villages, he
then dispatched Don Garcia Lopez de Car-
denas, the army-master, by the same road
Don Pedro had followed, to go beyond that
province of Tuzan to the west, and be allowed
him eighty days in which to go and return,
for the journey and to make the discoveries.
He was conducted beyond Tuzan by native
guides, who said there were settlements be-
yond, although at a distance. Having gone
60 leagues west of Tuzan, and 80 from
Cibola, he found the edge of a river down
which it was impossible to find a path for a
horse in any direction, or even for a man on
foot, except in one very difficult place, where
there was a descent for almost 2 leagues.
The Bides were such a steep rocky precipice
that it was scarcely possible to see the river,
which looks like a brook from above, although
it is half as large again as that of Seville, ac-
cording to what they say, so that although
ligirized I:, G00gk'
THE JOURNEY OP CORONADO
they sought for a passage with great dili-
gence, none was found for a long distance,
during which they were for several days in
great need of water, which could not be
found, and they could not approach that of
the river, although they could see it, and on
this account Don Garcia Lopez was forced to
return. This river conies from the north-
east and turns toward the south-southwest
at the place where they found it, so that it
is without any doubt the one that Melchor
Diaz reached.
Four days after Francisco Vazquez had
dispatched Don Garcia Lopez to make this
discovery, he dispatched Hernando de Al-
varado to explore the route toward the east.
He started off, and 30 leagues from Cibola
found a rock with a village on top, the
strongest position that ever was seen in the
world, which was called Acuco ' in their lan-
guage, and father Friar Marcos called it the
kingdom of Hacus. They came out to meet
us peacefully, although it would have been
easy to decline to do this and to have stayed
on their rock, where we would not have
been able to trouble them. They gave us
cloaks of cotton, skins of deer and of cows,
and turquoises, and fowls and other food
1 The Acoma people call their pueblo Ako, while
the name for themselves is AkomO, signifying " peo-
ple of the white rock." The Zufii name of Acoma,
as previously stated, is Hakukia; of the Acoma
people. Haku-kwe. Hacua was applied by Niza to
Hawikuh, not to Acoma — Hodge.
],!,r,z«j I:, Google
THE JOURNEY OP CORONADO
which they had, which is the same as in
Cibola.
Twenty leagues to the east of this rook we
found a river which runs north and south, 1
well settled; there are in all, small and
large, 70 villages near it, a few more or less,
the same sort as those at Cibola, except that
they are almost all of well-made mud walls.
The food is neither more nor less. They
raise cotton — I mean those who live near the
river — the others not. There is much corn
here. These people do not have markets.
They are settled for 50 leagues along this
river, north and south, and some villages are
15 or 20 leagues distant, in one direction
and the other. This river rises where these
settlements end at the north, on the slope of
the mountains there, where there is a larger
village different from the others, called Yu-
raba.' It is settled in this fashion: It has
18 divisions; each one has a situation as if
for two ground plots; the houses are very
close together, and have five or six stories,
three of them with mud walls and two or
three with thin wooden walls, which become
smaller as they go up, and each one has its
little balcony outside of the mud walls, one
above the other, all around, of wood. In
this village, as it is in the mountains, they
do not raise cotton nor breed fowls; they
1 The Rio Grande.
•Evidently Taos, the native name of which Is
Tilata, the Ficuris name being Tuopi, according to
Hodge.
ligirized I:, G00gk'
THE JOURNEY OP CORONADO
wear the skins of deer and cows entirely.
It is the most populous village of all that
country; we estimated there were 15,000
souls in it. There is one of the other kind
of Tillages larger than all the rest, and very
strong, which is called Cicuique." It has
four and five stories, has eight large court-
yards, each one with its balcony, and there
are fine houses in it.
They do not raise cotton nor keep fowls,
because it is 15 leagues away from the river
to the east, toward the plains where the
cows are. After Alvarado had sent an ac-
count of this river to Francisco Vazquez, he
proceeded forward to these plains, and at the
borders of these he found a little river which
flows to the southwest, and after four days'
march he found the cows, which are the
most monstrous thing in the way of animals
which has ever been seen or read about.
He followed this river for 100 leagues, find-
ing more cows every day. We provided
ourselves with some of these, although at
first, until we had had experience, at the
risk of the horses. There is such a quantity
of them that I do not know what to compare
them with, except with the fish in the sea,
because on this journey, as also on that
which the whole army afterward made when
it was going to Quivira, there were so many
that many times when we started to pass
through the midst of them and wanted to go
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THE JOURNEY OP CORONADO
through to the other side of them, we were
not able to, because the country was covered
with them. The flesh of these is as good as
that of Castile, and some said it was even
better.
The bulls are large and brave, although
they do not attack very much; but they
have wicked horns, and in a fight use them
well, attacking fiercely ; they killed several
of our horses and wounded many. We
found the pike to be the best weapon to use
against them, and the musket for use when
this misses.
When Hernando de Alvarado returned
from these plains to the river which was
called Tiguex, he found the army-master
Don Garcia Lopez de Cardenas getting ready
for the whole army, which was coming there.
When it arrived, although all these people
had met Hernando de Alvarado peacefully,
part of them rebelled when all the force came.
There were 12 villages near together, and
one night they killed 40 of our horses and
mules which were loose in the camp. They
fortified themselves in their villages, and
war was then declared against them. Don
Garcia Lopez went to the first and took it
and executed justice on many of them.
When the real saw this, they abandoned all
except two of the villages, one of these the
strongest one of all, around which the army
was kept for two months. And although
after we invested it, we entered it one day
and occupied a part of the flat roof, we were
SOS
],!,r,z«j I:, Google
THE JOURNEY OP CORONADO
forced to abandon this on account, of the
many wounds that were received and because
it was so dangerous to maintain ourselves-
there, and although we again entered it soon
afterward, in the end it was not possible to
get it all, and so it was surrounded all this-
time. We finally captured it because of
their thirst, and they held out so long be-
cause it snowed twice when they were just
about to give themselves up. In the end
we captured it, and many of them were
killed because they tried to get away at
night.
Francisco Vazquez obtained an account
from some Indians who were found in this
village of Cicuique, which, if it had been
true, was of the richest thing that has been
found in the Indies. The Indian who gave-
the news and the account came from a vil-
lage called Harale, 300 leagues east of this
river. He gave such a clear account of what
he told, as if it was true and he had seen it,
that it seemed plain afterward that it was
the devil who was speaking in him. Fran-
cisco Vazquez and all of us placed much
confidence in him, although he was advised
by several gentlemen not to move the whole
army, but rather to send a captain to find
out what was there. He did not wish to do
this, but wanted to take every one, and even
to send Don Pedro de Tobar to the Hearts
for half the men who were in that village.
So he started with the whole army, and pro-
ceeded 150 leagues, 100 to the east and 50>
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THE JOURHEY OP CORONADO
to the south,' and the Indian failing to
make good what he had said about there
being a settlement there, and corn, with
which to proceed farther, the other two
guides were asked how that was, and one
confessed that what the Indian said was a
lie, except that there was a province which
was called Quivira, and that there waa corn
and houses of straw there, but that they were
verr far off, because we had been led astray
a distance from the road. Considering this,
and the small supply of food that was left,
Francisco Vazquez, after consulting with the
captains, determined to proceed with 30 of
the best men who were well equipped, aud
that the army should return to the river;
and this was done at once. Two days before
this, Don Garcia Lopez' horse had happened
to fall with him, and he threw his arm out
of joint, from which he suffered much, and
so Don Tristan de Arellano returned to the
river with the army. On this journey they
had a very hard time, because almost all of
them bad nothing to eat except meat, and
many suffered on this account. They killed
a world of bulls and cows, for there were
days when they brought 60 and 70 head
into camp, and it was necessary to go hunt-
ing every day, and on this account, and from
not eating any corn during all this time, the
horses suffered much.
Francisco Vazquez set out across these
1 Southeast, Id Buckingham Smith's Hufioz copy.
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THE JOURNEY OP COROHADO
plains in search of Quivira, more on account
of the story which had been told us at the
river than from the confidence which was
placed in the guide here, and after proceed-
ing many days by the needle (i. e., to the
north) it pleased God that after thirty days'
march we found the river Quivira, which is
30 leagues below the settlement. While
going up the valley, we found people who
were going hunting, who were natives of
Quivira.
All that there is at Quivira is a very
brutish people, without any decency what-
ever in their houses nor in any thing. These
are of straw, like the Taraacan settlements;
in some villages there are as many as 200
houses; they have corn and beans and
melons ; they do not have cotton nor fowls,
nor do they make bread which is cooked,
except under the ashes. Francisco Vazquez
went 25 leagues through these settlements,
to where he obtained an account of what was
beyond, and they said that the plains come
to an end, and that down the river there are
people who do not plant, but live wholly by
hunting.
They also gave an account of two other
large villages, one of which was called
Tareque ' and the other Arae, with straw
houses at Tareque, and at Arae some of
straw and some of skins. Copper was found
here, and they said it came from a distance.
1 Tuieque, in the MuEoz copy.
209
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THE JOURNEY OF COBONADO
From what the Indian had said, it is possi-
ble that this village of Arae contains more, 1
from the clear description of it which he
gave. We did not find any trace or news of
it here. Francisco Vazquez returned from
here to the river of Tiguex, where he found
the army. We went back by a more direct
route, because in going by the way we went
we traveled 330 leagues, and it is not more
than 200 by that by which we returned.
Quivira is in the fortieth degree and the river
in the thirty-sixth. It was so dangerous to
travel or to go away from the camp in these
plains, that it is as if one was traveling on
the sea, since the only roads are those of the
cowa, and they are so level and have no
mountain or prominent landmark, that if
one went out of sight of it, he was lost, and
in this way we lost one man, and others who
went hunting wandered around two or three
days, lost.
Two kinds of people travel around these
plains with the cows ; one is called Quere-
chos and the others Teyas ; they are very
well built, and painted, and are enemies of
each other. They have no other settlement
or location than comes from traveling around
with the cows. They kill all of these they
wish, and tan the hides, with which they
clothe themselves and make their tents, and
they eat the flesh, sometimes even raw, and
they alsj even drink the blood when thirsty.
The tents they make are like field tents, and
1 Or mines, as Mufioz guesses.
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THE JOURNEY OF CORONADO
they set them up over some poles they have
made for this purpose, which come together
and are tied at the top, and when they go
from one place to another they carry them
on some dogs they have, of which they have
many, and they load them with the tents
and poles and other things, for the country
is so level, as I said, that they can make nse
of these, because they carry the poles drag-
ging along on the ground. The sun is what
they worship most. The skin for the tents
is cured on both sides, without the hair, and
they have the skins of deer and cows left
over. 1 They exchange some cloaks with the
natives of the river for corn.
After Francisco Vazquez reached the river,
where he found the army, Don Pedro de
Tobar came with half the people from the
Hearts, and Don Garcia Lopez de Cardenas
started off for Mexico, who, besides the fact
that his arm was very bad, had permission
from the viceroy on account of the death of
his brother. Ten or twelve who were sick
went with him, and not a man among them
all who could fight. He reached the town
of the Spaniards and found it burned and
two Spaniards and many Indiana and horses
dead, and he returned to the river on this
account, escaping from them by good fortune
and great exertions. The cause of this mis-
fortune was that after Don Pedro started and
left 40 men there, half of these raised a mu-
a ii, Google
THE JOURNEY OP CORONADO
tiny and fled, and the Indians, who remem-
bered the bad treatment they had received,
attacked them one night and overpowered
them because of their carelessness and weak-
ness, and they fled to Culiacan. Francisco
Vazquez fell while running a horse about
this time and was sick a long time, and after
the winter was over he determined to come
back, and although they may say something
different, he did bo, because he wanted to do
this more than anything, and so we all came
together as far as Culiacan, and each one
went where he pleased from there, and Fran-
cisco Vazquez came here to Mexico to make
his report to the viceroy, who was not at all
pleased with his coming, although he pre-
tended so at first. He was pleased that
Father Friar Juan de Fadilla had stayed
there, who went to Quivira, and a Spaniard
and a negro with him, and Friar Luis, a
very holy lay brother, stayed in Cicuique.
We spent two very cold winters at this river,
with much snow and thick ice. The river
froze one night and remained so for more
than a month, so that loaded horses crossed
on the ice. The reason these villages are
settled in this fashion is supposed to be the
great cold, although it is also partly the wars
which they have with one another. And
this is all that was seen and found out about
all that country, which is very barren of
fruits and groves. Quivira is a better coun-
try, having many huts and not being so cold,
although it is more to the north.
, Google
TRANSLATION OF A LETTER FROM
CORONADO TO THE KING, OCTO-
BER 20, 1541 *
Letters feom Francisco Vazquez Coro-
nado to His Majesty, in which he
gives an Account of the Discovery
of the Province of Tiguex.
Holy Catholic Cssarian Majesty : On
April 20 of this year I wrote to Your Maj-
esty from this province of Tiguex, in reply
to a letter from Tour Majesty dated in Ma-
drid, June 11 a year ago. I gave a detailed
account of this expedition, which the vice-
roy of New Spain ordered roe to undertake
in Your Majesty's name to this country
which was discovered by Friar Marcos of
Nice, the provincial of the order of Holy
Saint Francis. I described it all, and the
sort of force I have, as Your Majesty had
ordered me to relate in my letters; and
stated that while I was engaged in the con-
quest and pacification of the natives of this
province, some Indians who were natives of
other provinces beyond these had told me
that in their country there were much larger
1 The text of this letter is printed in Pacheco y
Cardenas, Documented de Indias, vol. iii, p. 388,
from a copy made by Hufioz, and also in the same
collection, vol, xiii, p. 201, from a copy in the
Archives of tUe Indies at Seville.
218
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THE JOURNEY OP CORONADO
Tillages and better houses than those of the
natives of this country, and that they had
lords who ruled them, who were served with
dishes of gold, and other very magnificent
things ; and although, as I wrote Your Maj-
esty, I did not believe it before I had set
eyes on it, because it was the report of In-
dians and given for the most part by means
of signs, yet as the report appeared to me to
be very fine and that it was important that
it should be investigated for Your Majesty's
service, I determined to go and see it with
the men I have here. I started from this
province on the 23d of last April, for the
place where the Indians wanted to guide me.
After nine days' march I reached some
plains, so vast that I did not find their limit
anywhere that I went, although I traveled
over them for more than 300 leagues. And
I found such a quantity of cows in these, of
the kind that I wrote Your Majesty about,
which they have in this country, that it is
impossible to number them, for while I was
journeying through these plains, until I re-
turned to where I first found them, there was
not a day that I lost sight of them. And
after seventeen days' march I came to a set-
tlement of Indians who are called Querechos,
who travel around with these cows, who do
not plant, and who eat the raw flesh and
drink the blood of the cows they kill, and
they tan the skins of the cows, with which
all the people of this country dress them-
selves here. They have little field tents
214
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THE JOURNEY OF CORONADO
made of the hides of the cows, tanned and
greased, very well made, in which they live
while they travel around near the cows,
moving with these. They have dogs which
they laaiCwhich carry their tents and poles
and belongings. These people have the best
figures of any that I have seen in the Indies.
They could not give me any account of the
country where the guides were taking me.
I traveled five days more as the guides
wished to lead me, until I reached some
plains, with no more landmarks than as if
we had been swallowed up in the sea, where
they strayed about, because there was not a
stone, nor a bit of rising ground, nor a tree,
nor a shrub, nor anything to go by. There
is much very fine pasture land, with good
grass. And while we were lost in these
plains, some horsemen who went off to hunt
cows fell in with some Indians who also
. were out hunting, who are enemies of those
that I had seen in the last settlement, and
of another sort of people who are called
Teyas; they have their bodies and faces
all painted, are a large people like the others,
of a very good build ; they eat the raw flesh
just like the Querechos, and live and travel
round with the cows in the same way as
these. I obtained from these an account of
the country where the guides were taking
me, which was not like what they had told
me, because these made out that the houses
there were not built of stones, with stories,
as my guides had described it, but of straw
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THE JOURNEY OP CORONADO
and skins, and a small supply of corn
there.
This news troubled me greatly, to find
myself on these limitless plains, where I
was in great need of water, and often had to
drink it so poor that it was more mud than
water. Here the guides confessed to me
that they had not told the truth in regard to
the size of the houses, because these were of
straw, but that they had done so regarding
the large number of inhabitants and the
other things about their habits. The Teyas
disagreed with this, and on account of this
division between some of the Indians and
the others, and also because many of the
men I had with me had not eaten anything
except meat for some days, because we had
reached the end of the corn which we carried
from this province, and because they made
it out more than forty days' journey from
where I fell in with the Teyas to the coun-
try where the guides were taking me, al-
though I appreciated the trouble and danger
there would be in the journey owing to the
lack of water and corn, it seemed to me best,
in order to see if there was anything there
of service to Your Majesty, to go forward
with only 30 horsemen until I should be
able to see the country, so as to give Tour
Majesty a true account of what was to be
found in it. I sent all the rest of the force
I had with me to this province, with Don
Tristan de Arellano in command, because it
would have been impossible to prevent the
216
ligirized I:, G00gk'
THE JOURNEY OF CORONADO
loss of many men, if all had gone on, owing
to the lack of water and because they also
had to kill hulls and cows on which to sus-
tain themselves. And with only the 30
horsemen whom I took for my escort, I (rav-
eled forty-two days after I left the force,
living all this while solely on the flesh of
the bulls and cows which we killed, at the
cost of several of our horses which they
killed, because, as I wrote Your Majesty,
they are very brave and fierce animals; and
going many days without water, and cook-
ing the food with cow dung, because there is
not any kind of wood in all these plains,
away from the gullies and rivers, which are
very few.
It was the Lord's pleasure that, after hav-
ing journeyed across these deserts seventy-
seven days, I arrived at the province they
call Quivira, to which the guides were con-
ducting me, and where they had described to
me houses of stone, with many stories; and
not only are they not of stone, but of straw,
but the people in them are as barbarous as
all those whom I have seen and passed be-
fore this; they do not have cloaks, nor cot-
ton of which to make these, but use the
skins of the cattle they kill, which they tan,
because they are settled among these on a
■very large river. They eat the raw flesh like
the Querechos and Teyas ; they are enemies
of one another, but are all of the same sort
of people, and these at Quivira have the ad-
vantage in the houses they build and in
217
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THE JOURNEY OP CORONADO
planting corn. In this province of which
the guides who brought me are natives, they
received me peaceably, and although they
told me when I set out for it that I could
not succeed in seeing it all in two months,
there are not more than 25 villages of straw
houses there and in all the rest of the coun-
try that I saw and learned about, which gave
their obedience to Your Majesty and placed
themselves under your royal overlordship.
The people here are large. I had several
Indians measured, and found that they were
10 palms in height; the women are well
proportioned and their features are more like
Moorish women than Indians. The natives
here gave me a piece of copper which a chief
Indian wore hung around bis neck ; I sent it
to the viceroy of New Spain, because I have
not seen any other metal in these parts ex-
cept this and some little copper bells which
I sent him, and a bit of metal which looks
like gold. I do not know where this came
from, although I believe that the Indians
who gave it to me obtained it from those
whom I brought here in my service, because
I can not find any other origin for it nor
where it came from. The diversity of lan-
guages which existB in this country and my
not having anyone who understood them,
because they speak their own language in
each village, has hindered me, because I
have been forced to send captains and men
in many directions to find out whether there
was anything in this country which could
ligirized I:, G00gk'
THE JOURNEY OP CORONADO
be of service to Your Majesty. And although
I have Bearched with all diligence I have not
found or heard of anything, unless it be these
provinces, which are a very small affair,
The province of Quivira is 950 leagues
from Mexico. Where I reached it, it is in
the fortieth degree. The country itself is
the best I have ever seen for producing
all the products of Spain, for besides the
land itself being very fat and black and being
very well watered by the rivulets and springs
and rivers, I found prunes like those of Spain
[or I found everything they have in Spain]
and nuts and very good sweet grapes and
mulberries. I have treated the natives of
this province, and all the others whom I
found wherever I went, as well as was pos-
sible, agreeably to what Tour Majesty had
commanded, and they have received no harm
in any way from me or from those who went
in my company. 1 I remained twenty-five
days in this province of Quivira, so as to see
and explore the country and also to find out
whether there was anything beyond which
could be of service to Your Majesty, because
the guides who had brought me had given
me an account of other provinces beyond this.
And what I am sure of is that there is not
any gold nor any other metal in all that
country, and the other thing3 of which they
had told me are nothing but little villages,
and in many of these they do not plant any-
a ii, Google
THE JOURNEY OF CORONADO
thing and do not have any houses except of
skins and sticks, and they wander around
with the cows; bo that the account they
gave me was false, because they wanted to
persuade me to go there with the whole
force, believing that as the way was through
such uninhabited deserts, and from the lack
of water, they would get us where we and
our horses would die of hunger. And the
guides confessed this, and said they had
done it by the advice and orders of the na-
tives of these provinces. At this, after hav-
ing heard the account of what was beyond,
which I have given above, I returned to
these provinces to provide for the force I had
sent back here and to give Your Majesty an
account of what this country amounts to,
because I wrote Your Majesty that I would
do so when I went there.
I have done all that I possibly could to
serve Your Majesty and to discover a coun-
try where God Our Lord might be served
and the royal patrimony of Your Majesty
increased, as your loyal servant and vassal.
For since I reached the province of Cibola,
to which the viceroy of New Spain sent me
in the name of Your Majesty, seeing that
there were none of the things there of which
Friar Marcos had told, I have managed to
explore this country for 200 leagues and
more around Cibola, and the best place I
have found is this river of Tiguex where I
am now, and the settlements here. It would
not be possible to establish a settlement
...Google
THE JOURNEY OP COBONADO
here, for besides being 400 leagues from the
North sea and more than 200 from the
South sea, with which it is impossible to
have any sort of communication, the coun-
try is so cold, as I have written to Your
Majesty, that apparently the winter could
not possibly be spent here, because there is
no wood, nor cloth with which to protect the
men, except the skins which the natives
wear and some small amount of cotton cloaks.
I send the viceroy of New Spain an account
of everything I have seen in the countries
where I have been, and as Don Garcia Lopez
de Cardenas iB going to kiss Your Majesty's
hands, who has done much and has served
Your Majesty very well on this expedition,
and he will give Your Majesty an account
of everything here, as one who has seen it
himself, I give way to him. And may Our
Lord protect the Holy Imperial Catholic
person of Your Majesty, with increase of
greater kingdoms and powers, as your loyal
servants and vassals desire. From this
province of Tiguex, October 20, in the year
1541. Your Majesty's humble servant and
vassal, who would kiss the royal feet and
hands:
Fbahcisco Vazquez Coeonado.
am Google
TRANSLATION OF THE NARRATIVE
OF JARAMHXO
Account Given by Captain Joan Jaka-
millo of the journey which he hade
TO the New Oountet, on which
Francisco Vazquez Cobonado was the
General. 1
We started from Mexico, going directly
to Compostela, the whole way populated and
at peace, the direction being west, and the
distance 112 leagues. From there we went
to Culiacan, perhaps about 80 leagues; the
road is well known and much used, because
there is a town inhabited by Spaniards in
the said valley of Culiacan, under the gov-
ernment of Compostela. The 70 horsemen
who went with the general went in a north-
westerly direction from this town. He left
his army here, because information had been
obtained that the way was uninhabited and
almost the whole of it without food. He
went with the said horsemen to explore the
route and prepare the way for those who
were to follow. He pursued this direction,
though with some twisting, until we crossed
1 The test of this narrative Is found in Bucking-
bam Smith's Florida, p. 164, from a copy made by
MuDoz, and in Pacheco y Cardenas, Documentoa do
India?, vol. xiv, p. 304, from the copy la the
Archives of the Indies.
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THE JOURNEY OF CORONADO
a mountain chain, where they knew about
New Spain, more than 300 leagues distant.
To this pass we gave the name of Chichilte
Calli, because we learned that this was what
it was called, from some Indians whom we
left behind.
Leaving the said valley of Culiacan, he
crossed a river called Pateatlan (or Peteat-
lan), which was about four days distant.
We found these Indians peaceful, and they
gave us some few things to eat. From here
we went to another river called Cinaloa,
which was about three days from the other.
From here the general ordered ten of us
horsemen to make double marches, lightly
equipped, until we reached the stream of the
Cedars (arroyo de los Cedros) , and from there
we were to enter a break in the mountains
on the right of the road and see what there
was in and about this. If more time should
be needed for this than we gained on him,
he would wait for us at the said Cedros
stream. This was done, and all that we
saw there was a few poor Indians in some
settled valleys like forma or estates, with
sterile soil. It was about five more days
from the river to this stream. From there
we went to the river called Yaquemi, which
took about three days. We proceeded along
a dry stream, and after three daye more of
marching, although the dry stream lasted
only for a league, we reached another stream
where there were some settled Indians, who
had straw huts and storehouses of corn and
sit, Google
the jocwnnr op oorohado
beans and melons. Leaving here, we went
to the stream and village which is called
Hearts (Corazones), the name which was
given it by Dorantes and Oabeza de Vaca
and Castillo and the negro Eatebanillo, be-
cause they gave them a present of the hearts
of minntf and birds to eat.
About two days were spent in this village
of the Hearts. There ie an irrigation stream,
and the country is warm. Their dwellings
are hats made of a frame of poles, almost
like an oven, only very much better, which.
they cover with mats. They have corn and
beans and melons for food, which I believe
never fail them. They dress in deerskins, j
This appeared to be a good place, and bo
orders were given the Spaniards who were
behind to establish a village here, where they
lived until almost the failure of the expedi-
tion. There was a poison here, the effect of
which is, according to what was seen of it,
the worst that could possibly be found; and
from what we learned about it, it is die
sap of a small tree like the mastick tree, or
lentisk, and it grows in gravelly and sterile
land. We went on from here, passing through
a sort of gateway, to another valley very
near this stream, which opens off from this
same stream, which is called Seflora. It is
also irrigated, and the Indians are like the
others and have the same sort of settlements
and food. This valley continues for 6 or 7
leagues, a little more or less.
At first these Indians were peaceful; and
...Google
THE JOURNEY OF COKONADO
afterward not, but instead they and those
whom they were able to summon thither
were our worst enemies. They have a poi-
son with which they killed several Chris-
tians. There are mountains on both sides
of them, which are not very fertile. From,
here we went along near this said stream,
oroBsing it where it makes a bend, to another
Indian settlement called Ispa.' It takes on»
day from the last of these others to this
place. It is of the same sort as those we
had passed. From here we went through.
deserted country for about four days to an-
other river, which we heard called Nexpa,
where some poor Indians came out to Bee
the general, with presents of little value,
with some stalks of roasted maguey and
pitahayas. We went down this stream two-
days, and then left the stream, going toward
the right to the foot of the mountain chain
in two days' journey, where we heard news
of what is called Chichiltie Calli Grossing
the mountains, we came to a deep and reedy
river, where we found water and forage for
the horses. From this river back at Nexpa,
as I have said, it seems to me that the direc-
tion was nearly northeast. From here, I
believe that we went in the same direction
for three days to a river which we called Saint
'See Randelier's Gilded Man, p. 17S. This Is
Caatafieda's " Guagariapa " as mistakenly Interpreted
by T email! Com pans, the present Arispe. or, in the
Indian dialect, Muc-aritz-pa. The words "Ispa,
que " are not in the Pacheco j Cardenas copy.
sit, Google
THE JOUBNBY OF CORONADO
John (San Joan), because we reached it on
his day. Leaving here, we went to another
river, through a somewhat rough country,
more toward the north, to a river which we
called the Bafts (de las Balsas), because we
had to cross on these, as it was rising. It
seems to me that we spent two days between
one river and the other, and I say this be-
cause it is so long since we went there that
I may be wrong in some days, though not in
the rest. From here we went to another
river, which we called the Slough (de la
Barranca). It is two short days from one
to the other, and the direction almost north-
east. From here we went to another river,
which we called the Cold river (el rio Frio),
on account of its water being so, in one
day's journey, and from here we went by a
pine mountain, where we found, almost at
the top of it, a cool spring and streamlet,
which was another day's march. In the
neighborhood of this stream a Spaniard, who
was called Espinosa, died, besides two other
persons, on account of poisonous plants
which they ate, owing to the great need in
which they were,
From here we went to another river, which
we called the Bed river (Bennejo), two days'
journey in the same direction, but less to-
ward the northeast. Here we saw an Indian
or two, who afterward appeared to belong to
the first settlement of Cibola, From here
we came in two days' journey to the said
Tillage, the first of Cibola. The houses have
-.Google
THE JOURNEY OP CORONADO
flat roofs and walls of stone and mud, and
this was where they killed Steve (Esteba-
nillo), the negro who had come with Dorantes
from Florida and returned with Friar Mar-
cos de Niza. In this province of Cibola
there are five little villages besides this, all
with flat roofs and of stone and mud, as I
said. The country is cold, as is shown by
their houses and hothouses (estufas) . They
have food enough for themselves, of corn and
beans and melons. These villages are about
a league or more apart from each other,
within a circuit of perhaps 6 leagues. The
country is somewhat sandy and not very
salty (or barren of vegetation * ), and on the
mountains the trees are for the most part
evergreen. The clothing of the Indians is
of deerskins, very carefully tanned, and they
also prepare some tanned cowhides, with
which they cover themselves, which are like-
shawls, and a great protection. They have>
square cloaks of cotton, some larger than
others, about a yard and a half long. The
Indians wear them thrown over the shoulder
like a gipsy, and fastened with one end over
the other, with a girdle, also of cotton.
From this first village of Cibola, looking to-
ward the northeast and a little less, on the
left hand, there is a province called Tucayan,
about five days off, which has seven flat-
roof villages, with a food supply as good as
or better than these, and an even larger
am Google
THE JOURNEY OF OOHONADO
population ; and they also have the skins of
cows and of deer, and cloaks of cotton, as I
described.
All the waterways we found as far as this
one at Cibola — and I do not know but what
for a day or two beyond — the rivers and
streams run into the South sea, and those
from here on into the North sea.
from this first village of Cibola, as I have
said, we went to another in the same prov-
ince, which was about a short day's journey
off, on the way to Tihuei. It is nine days,
of such marches as we made, from this set-
tlement of Cibola to the river of Tihuex.
Halfway between, I do not know but it may
be a day more or less, there is a village of
earth and dressed stone, in a very strong
position, which is called Tutahaco. 1 All
these Indians, except the first in the first
village of Cibola, received us well. At the
river of Tihuez there are 15 villages within
a distance of about 20 leagues, all with fiat-
roof houses of earth, instead of stone, after
the fashion of mud walls. There are other
villages besides these on other streams which
flow into this, and three of these are, for In-
dians, well worth seeing, especially one that
is called Chia,' and another Uraba,' and
another Cicuique.* Uraba and Cicuique
1 Acoma. ' Sia.
1 Identical with Taos— the Braba of Castafieda and
the Yuraba of the Relation del Suceao.
* Pecos. In Pacheco v Cardenas this Is spelled
Tlenlque.
sit, Google
THE JOURNEY OP CORONADO
have many houses two stories high. All
the rest, and these also, have com and beans
and melons, skins, and some long robes of
feathers which they braid, joining the feathers
with a sort of thread ; and they also make
them of a sort of plain weaving with which
they make the cloaks with which they pro-
tect themselves. They all have hot rooms
underground, which, although not very clean,
are very warm.* They raise and have a very
little cotton, of which they make the cloaks
which I have spoken of above. This river
conies from the northwest and flows about
southeast, which shows that it certainly
flows into the North sea.
Leaving this settlement' and the said
river, we passed two other villages whose
names I do not know,' and in four days
came to Cicuique, which I have already men-
tioned. The direction of this is toward the
northeast. From there we came to another
river, which the Spaniards named after
Cicuique, in three days; if I remember
rightly, it seems to me that we went rather
toward the northeast to reach this river
where we crossed it, and after crossing this,
we turned more to the left hand, which
would be more to the northeast, and began
'All references to hot rooms or estufas are of
course to be construed to mean the kl vaa or cere-
monial chambers.
* Tiguex Is here doubtless referred to.
' One of the villages whose names Jaramlllo did
not know was probably the Ximena (Gslisteo) of
Castafleda.
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THE JOURNEY OF CORONADO
to enter the plains where the cows ate, al-
though we did not find them for some four
or five days, after which we began to come
across bulla, of which there are great num-
bers, and after going on in the same direc-
tion and meeting the bulls for two or three
days, we began to find ourselves in the midst
of very great numbers of cows, yearlings and
bulls all in together. We found Indians
among these first cows, who were, on this
account, called Querechos by those in the
flat-roof houses. They do not live in houses,
but have some sets of poles which they carry
with them to make some huts at the places
where they stop, which serve them for houses.
They tie these poles together at the top and
stick the bottoms into the ground, covering
them with some cowskins which they carry
around, and which, as I have said, serve
them for houses. From what was learned
of these Indians, all their human needs are
supplied by these cows, for they are fed and
clothed and shod from these. They are a
people who wander around here and there,
wherever seems to them best We went on
for eight or ten days in the same direction,
along those streams which are among the
cows.
The Indian who guided us from here was
the one that had given us the news about
Quevira and Arache (or Arahei) and about
its being a very rich country with much
gold and other things, and he and the other
one were from that country I mentioned, to
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THE JOURNEY OP CORONADO
which we were going, and we found these
two Indians in the flat-roof villages. It
seems that, as the said Indian wanted to go
to his own country, he proceeded to tell us
what we found was not true, and I do not
know whether it was on this account or be-
cause he was counseled to take us into other
regions by confusing us on the road, although
there are none in all this region except those
of the cows. We understood, however, that
he was leading us away from the route we
ought to follow and that he wanted to lead
us on to those plains where he had led us,
so that we would eat up the food, and both
ourselves and our horses would become weak
from the lack of this, because if we should
go either backward or forward in this condi-
tion we could not make any resistance to
whatever they might wish to do to us. From
the time when, as I said, we entered the
plains and from this settlement of Quere-
chos, he led us off more to the east, until we
came to be in extreme need from the lack of
food, and as the other Indian, who was his
companion and also from his country, saw
that he was not taking us where we ought
to go, since we had always followed the
guidance of the Turk, for so he was called,
instead of his, he threw himself down in the
way, making a sign that although we cut off
his head he ought not to go that; way, nor
was that our direction.
I believe we had been traveling twenty
days or more in this direction, at the end of
381
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THE JOURNEY 07 CORONADO
which we found another settlement of In-
dians of the same sort and way of living as
those behind, among whom there was an old
blind man with a beard, who gave us to
understand, by signs which he made, that
he had seen four others like us many dajjs
before, whom he had seen near there and
rather more toward New Spain, and we so
understood him, and presumed that it was
Dorantea and Cabeza de Vaca and those
whom I have mentioned.
At this settlement the general, seeing our
difficulties, ordered the captains, and the
persons whose advice ho was accustomed
to take, to assemble, so that we might dis-
cuss with him what was best for all. It
seemed to us that all the force should go
back to the region we had come from, in
search of food, so that they could regain
(heir strength, and that 30 picked horsemen
should go in search of what the Indian had
told about ; and we decided to do this. We
all went forward one day to a stream which
was down in a ravine in the midst of good
meadows, to agree on who should go ahead
and how the rest should return. Here the
Indian Isopete, as we had called the com-
panion of the said Turk, was asked to tell us
the truth, and to lead us to that country
which we had come in search of. He said
he would do it, and that it was not as the
Turk had said, because those were certainly
fine things which he had said and had given
us to understand at Tihuex, about gold and
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THE JOURNEY OF CORONADO
how it was obtained, and the buildings, and
the style of them, and their trade, and many
other things told for the sake of prolixity,
which had led us to go in search of them,
with the advice of all who gave it and of
the priests. He asked ua to leave him after-
ward in that country, because it was his na-
tive country, as a reward for guiding us, and
also, that the Turk might not go along with
him, because he would quarrel and try to
restrain him in everything that he wanted
to do for our advantage; and the general
promised him this, and said he would be
with one of the thirty, and he went in this
way. And when everything was ready for
as to set out and for the others to remain,
we pursued our way, the direction all the
time after this being toward the north, for
more than thirty days' march, although not
long marches, not having to go without
water on any one of them, and among cows
all the ■ time, some days in larger numbers
than others, according to the water which
we came across, so that on Saint Peter and
Paul's day we reached a river which we
found to be there below Quibira.
When he reached the said river, the In-
dian recognized it and said that was it, and
that it was below the settlements. We
crossed it there and went up the other side
on the north, the direction turning toward
the northeast, and after inarching three days
we found some Indians who were going
hunting, killing the cows to take the meat
ligirized I:, G00gk
THE JOURNEY OP CORONADO
to their village, which was about three or
four days still farther away from us. Here
where we found the Indians and they saw
us, they began to utter yells and appeared
to fly, and some even had their wives there
with them. The Indian Isopete began to
call them in his language, and so they came
to us without any signs of fear. When we
and these Indians had halted here, the gen-
eral made an example of the Indian Turk,
whom we had brought along, keeping him
all the time out of sight among the rear
guard, and having arrived where the place
was prepared, it was done in such a way
that the other Indian, who was called Iso-
pete, should not see it, so as to give him the
satisfaction he had asked. Some satisfac-
tion was experienced here on seeing the good
appearance of the earth, and it is certainly
such among the cows, and from there on.
The general wrote a letter here to the gov-
ernor of Harahey and Quibiia, having under-
stood that he was a Christian from the lost
army of Florida, because what the T"dia n
had said of their manner of government and
their general character had made us believe
this. So the Indians went to their houses,
which were at the distance mentioned, and
we also proceeded at our rate of marching
until we reached the settlements, which we
found along good river bottoms, although
without much water, and good streams which
flow into another, larger than the one I have
mentioned. There were, if J recall correctly,
234
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THE JOURNEY OP CORONADO
six or seven settlements, at quite a distance
from one another, among which we traveled
for four or five days, since it was understood
to be uninhabited between one stream and
the other.
"We reached what they eaid was the end
of Quibira, to which they took us, saying
that the things there were of great impor-
tance. 1 Here there was a river, with more
water and more inhabitants than the others.
Being asked if there was anything beyond,
they said that there was nothing more of
Quibira, but that there was Harahey, and
that it was the same sort of a place, with
settlements like these, and of about the same
size. The general sent to summon the lord
of those parts and the other Indians who
they said resided in Harahey, and he came
with about 200 men — all naked — with
bows, and some sort of things on their heads,
and their privy parts slightly covered. He
was a big Indian, with a large body and
limbs, and well proportioned. After he had
heard the opinion of one and another about
it, the general asked them what we ought to
do, reminding us of how the army had been
left and that the rest of us were there, so
that it seemed to all of us that as it was
already almost the opening of winter, for, if
I remember rightly, it was after the middle
of August, and because there was little to
1 In Buckingham Smith's copy occurs the phrase,
"que decian elloa para sigmflcarnoBlo Teucarea."
This is not in Pacheco j Cardenas.
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THB JOUBNBT OP OOROHADO
winter there for, and we were but very little
prepared for it, and the uncertainty aa to
the success of the army that had been left,
and because the winter might dose the toads,
with snow and riven which we could not
croea, and also in order to see what had hap-
pened to the rest of the force left behind, it
seemed to ua all that his grace ought to go-
back in search of them, and when he had
found out for certain how they were, to win-
ter there and return to that country at the
opening of spring, to conquer and cultivate it.
Since, as I said, this was tbe last point
which we reached, here the Turk saw that
he had lied to ub, and one night he called
on all these people to attack us and kill us.
We learned of it, and put him under guard
and strangled him that night bo that he
never waked up. With the plan mentioned,,
we turned back it may have been two or
three days, where we provided ourselves
with picked fruit and dried corn for our re-
turn. The general raised a cross at this
place, at the foot of which he made some
letters with a chisel, which said that Fran-
cisco Vazquez de Coronado, general of that
army, had arrived here.
This country presents a very fine appear-
ance, than which I have not seen a better in
all our Spain nor Italy nor a part of France,
nor, indeed, in the other countries where I
have traveled in His Majesty's service, for
it is not a very rough country, but is made
up of hillocks and plains, and very fine ap-
888
sit, Google
THE JOURNEY OF GOBONADO
pearing rivers and streams, which certainly
satisfied me and made me sure that it will
be very fruitful in all sorts of products. In-
deed, there is profit in the cattle ready to the
hand, from the quantity of them, which is.
as great as one could imagine. We found a
variety of Castilian prunes which are not all
red, hut some of them black and green ; the
tree and fruit is certainly like that of Cas-
tile, with a very excellent flavor. Among
the cows we found flax, which springs up
from the earth in clumps apart from one
another, which are noticeable, as the cattle
do not eat it, with their tops and blue
flowers, and very perfect although small,
resembling that of our own Spain (or and
sumach like ours in Spain). There are-
grapes along some streams, of a fair flavor,
not to be improved upon.
The houses which these Indians have
were of straw, and most of them round, and
the straw reached down to the ground like a
wall, so that they did not have the sym-
metry or the style of these here ; they have
something like a chapel or sentry box out-
side and around these, with an entry, where
the Indians appear seated or reclining. The
Indian Isopete was left here where the cross
was erected, and we took five or six of the
Indians from these villages to lead and guide
us to the flat-roof houses.' Thus they
brought us back by the same road as far aa
The pueblos of the Rio Qranda.
am Google
THE JOCHNET OF CORONADO
where I said before that we came to a rivet
called Saint Peter and Paul's, and here we
left that by which we had come, and, taking
the right hand, they led us along by water-
ing places and among cows and by a good
road, although there are none either one way
or the other except those of the cows, as I
have said. At last we came to where we
recognized the country, where I said we
found the first settlement, where the Turk
led us astray from the route we should have
followed. Thus, leaving the rest aside, we
reached Tiguez, where we found the rest of
the army, and here the general fell while
running his horse, by which he received a
wound on his head which gave symptoms of
turning out badly, and he conceived the idea
of returning, which ten or twelve of us were
unable to prevent by dissuading him from it.
When this return bad been ordered, the
Franciscan friars who were with us — one of
them a regular and the other a lay brother —
who were called, the regular one Friar Juan
de Padilla and the lay one Friar Luis de
Escalona, were told to get ready, although
they had permission from their provincial
so that they could remain. Friar Luis wished
to remain in these flat-roof houses, saying
that he would raise crosses for those vil-
lagers with a chisel and adze they left him,
and would baptize several poor creatures who
could be led, on the point of death, so as to
send them to heaven, for which he did not
desire any other company than a little slave
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THE JOUHHET OP CORONADO
of mine who was called Christopher, to be
his consolation, and who he said would learn
the language there quickly so as to help
him; and he brought up so many things in
favor of this that he could not be denied,
and so nothing more has been heard from
him. The knowledge that this friar would
remain there was the reason that many In-
dians from hereabouts stayed there, and also
two negroes, one of them mine, who was
called Sebastian, and the other one of Mel-
chor Perez, the son of the licentiate la Torre.
This negro was married and had his wife
and children. I also recall that several In-
dians remained behind in the Qui vira region,
besides a Tarascan belonging to my com-
pany, who was named Andrew. Friar Juan
de Padilla preferred to return to Quivira,
and persuaded them to give him those In-
dians whom I said we had brought as guides,
They gave him these, and he also took a
Portuguese and a free Spanish-speaking In-
dian, who was the interpreter, and who
passed as a Franciscan friar, and a half-blood
and two Indians from Capottan (or Capotean)
or thereabout*, I believe. He had brought
these up and took them in the habits of
friars, and he took some sheep and mules
and a horse and ornaments and other trifles.
I do not know whether it was for the sake
of these or for what reason, but it seems
that they killed him, and those who did it
were the lay servants, or these same Indians
whom he took back from Tiguex, in return
sit, Google
THE JOURNEY OF COBONADO
for the good deeds which he had done.
When he was dead, the Portuguese whom I
mentioned fled, and also one of the Indians
that I said he took in the habits of friars,
or both of them, I believe. I mention this
because they came back to this country of
New Spain by another way and a shorter
route than the one of which I have told, and
they came out in the valley of Fanico. 1 I
have given Gonzalo Solis de Moras and Isi-
dore de Solis an account of this, because it
seemed to me important, according to what
I say I have understood, that His Majesty
ordered Your Lordship to find or discover a
way so as to unite that land to this. It is
perhaps also very likely that this Indian Se-
bastian, during the time he was in Quivira,
learned about its territory and the country
round about it, and also of the sea, and the
road by which he came, and what there is
to it, and how many days' journey before
arriving there. So that I am sure that if
Tour Lordship acquires this Quivira on this
account, I am certain that he can confidently
bring many people from Spain to settle it
according to the appearance and the charac-
ter of the land.
1 This Is the spelling of Panuco In both texts.
wed I:, Google
TRANSLATION OF THE REPORT OF
HERNANDO DE ALVARADO
ACCOUNT OF WHAT HSBNAHDO DE AlVA-
SADO AND FRIAR JUAN DE PaDILLA
Discovered Going in Search of the
South Ska.'
We set out from Granada on Sunday, the
day of the beheading of Saint John the Bap-
tist, the 29th of August, in the year 1540,
on the way to Coco.' After we had gone 2
leagues, we came to an ancient building
like a fortress, and a league beyond this we
found another, and yet another a little farther
on, and beyond these we found an ancient
city, very large, entirely destroyed, although
a large part of the wall was standing, which
was six times as tall as a man, the wall well
made of good worked stone, with gates and
gutters like a city in Castile. Half a league
or more beyond this, we found another ruined
city, the walls of which must have been very
fine, built of very large granite blocks, as-
high as a man and from there up of very
1 The text of this report la printed In Buckingham;
Smith's Florida, p. 65, from the Mufioi copy, and
In Paoheco y Cardenas, Boctunentcn de ludias, vol
111, p. 611.
1 Aenco or Acoma. The route taken by Alrarede
was not the same as that followed by Ooroaado, who
went by way of Matsaki. Alvarado'a course was
the old Acoma trail which led directly eastward
from Hawlkuh or 0]o Caliente.
841
HijiNzsi i,, Google
THE JOURNEY OF OOROHADO
good quarried stone. Here two roads sepa-
rate, one to Chia and the other to Coco; we
took this latter, and reached that place,
which is one of the strongest places that we
have Been, because the city is on a very high
rock, with such a rough ascent that we re-
pented having gone up to the place. The
houses have three or four stories ; the people
are the same sort as those of the province of
Cibola; they have plenty of food, of corn
and beans and fowls like those of New-
Spain. From here we went to a very good
lake or marsh, where there are trees like
those of Castile, and from there we went to
a river, which we named Our Lady (Nuestra
Sefiora), because we reached it the evening
before her day in the month of September.'
We sent the cross by a guide to the villages
in advance, and the next day people came
from twelve villages, the chief men and the
people in order, those of one village behind
those of another, and they approached the
tent to the sound of a pipe, and with an old
man for spokesman. In this fashion they
came into the tent and gave me the food
and clothes and skins they had brought, and
I gave them some trinkets, and with this
they went off.
This river of Our Lady flows through a
very wide open plain sowed with corn
plants; there are several groves, and there
1 Day of the nativity of the Blessed Virgin, Sep-
tember 8. This wu the Tigues or present Rio
Grande.
ligirized I:, G00gk'
THE JOURNEY OP COBOKADO
are twelve villages. The houses are of
earth, two stories high; the people have a
good appearance, more like laborers than a
warlike race ; they have a large food supply
of com, beans, melons, and fowl in great
plenty ; they clothe themselves with cotton
and the skins of cows and dresses of the
feathers of the fowls ; they wear their hair
short. Those who have the roost authority
among them are the old men ; we regarded
them as witches, because they say that they
go up into the sky and other things of the
same aort. In this province there are seven
other villages, depopulated and destroyed by
those Indians who paint their eyes, of whom
the guides will teU Your Grace ; they say
that these live in the same region as the
cows, and that they have corn and houses of
straw.
Here the people from the outlying prov-
inces came to make peace with me, and' as
Your Grace may see in this memorandum,,
there are 80 villages there of the same sort
as I have described, and among them one
which is located on some streams; it ia
divided into twenty divisions, which ia
something remarkable ; the houses have three
stories of mud walls and three others made
of small wooden hoards, and on the outside
of the three stories with the mud wall they
have three balconies; it seemed to us that
there were nearly 15,000 persona in this vil-
lage. The country is very cold; they do
not raise fowls nor cotton ; they worship the
sit, Google
THE JOURNEY OF COROMADO
sun and water. We found mounds of dirt
outside of the place, where they are buried.
In the places where crosses were raised,
we saw them worship these. They made
offerings to these of their powder and feathers,
and some left the blankets they had on.
They showed so much zeal that some climbed
up on the others to grasp the arms of the
cross, to place feathers and flowers there;
and others bringing ladders, while some held
them, went up to tie strings, so as to fasten
the flowers and the feathers.
ligirized I:, G00gk'
TESTIMONY CONCERNING THOSE
WHO WENT ON THE EXPEDITION
WITH FRANCISCO VAZQUEZ CO-
RON ADO*
At Compoatela, on February 21, 1540,
Coronado presented a petition to the viceroy
Meadoza, declaring that he had observed that
certain persons who were not well disposed
toward the expedition which was about to
start for the newly discovered country had
said that many of the inhabitants of the
City of Mexico and of the other cities and
towns of New Spain, and also of Compoatela
and other places in this province of New
Galicia were going on the expedition at his
request or because of inducements offered by
him, as a result of which the City of Mexico
and New Spain were left deserted, or almost
bo. Therefore, he asked the viceroy to order
that information be obtained, in order that
the truth might be known about the citizens
of New Spain and of this province who were
going to accompany him. He declared that
there were very few of these, and that they
were not going on account of any attraction
1 Translated freely and abridged from the deposi-
tions as printed fa P&checo y Cardenas, Documentor
de Indlaa, vol. xlv, p. 878. Bee note on page 877.
The statements of the preceding witnesses are usu-
ally repeated, In effect, in the testimony of those
who follow.
MB
],!,r,z«j I:, Google
THE JOURNEY OP COBONADO
or inducement offered by him, but of their
own free will, and aa there were few of
them, there would not be any lack of people
in New Spain. And as Gonzalo de Salazar,
the factor or royal agent, and Fero Almidez.
Cherino, the veedor or royal inspector of His
Majesty for New Spain, and other citizens
of Mexico who knew all the facts and had
the necessary information, were present
there, Coronado asked His Grace to provide
and order that which would best serve His
Majesty's interests and the welfare and se-
curity of New Spain.
The viceroy instructed the licenciate Mal-
donado, oidor of the royal audiencia, 1 to
procure this information. To facilitate the
hearing he provided that the said factor and
veedor and the regidores, and others who
were there, should attend the review of the
army, which was to be held on the follow-
ing day. Nine of the desired witnesses were
also commanded by Maldonado to attend
the review and observe those whom they
knew in the army.
On February 26* the licentiate Maldo-
nado took the oaths of the witnesses in
proper form, and they testified to the follow-
ing effect :
Hernand Perez de Bocanegra, a citizen of
Mexico, stated that he had been present on
the preceding Sunday, at the review of the
],!,r,z«j I:, Google
THE JOURNEY OP CORONADO
force which the viceroy was Bending for the
pacification of the country recently discov-
ered by the father provincial, Fray Marcos
de Kiza, and that he had taken note of the
force as the men passed before him ; and at
his request he had also been allowed to see
the list of names of those who were enrolled
in the army ; and he declared that in all the
said force he did not recognize any other
citizens of Mexico who were going except
Domingo Martin, a married man, whom he
had sometimes seen living in Mexico, and
provided him with messengers; and one
Alonso Sanchez, who was going with his
wife and a son, and who was formerly a
shoemaker; and a young man, son of the
haehiller Alonso Perez, who had come only
a few days before from Salamanca, and who
had been sent to the war by his father on
account of his restlessness ; and two or three
other workmen or tradespeople whom he had
seen at work in Mexico, although he did not
know whether they were citizens there ; and
on his oath he did not see in the whole
army anyone else who was a citizen of Mex-
ico, although for about fourteen years he had
been a citizen and inhabitant of that city,
unless it was the captain-general, Francisco
Vazquez da Coronado, and Lopez de Sa-
maniego the army -master; and, moreover,
he declared that he felt certain that those
above mentioned were going of their own
free will, like all the rest.
Antonio Serrano de Cardona, one of the
sit, Google
THE JOURNEY OF GORONADO
Mexico, who was present
from beginning to end of the review of the
preceding Sunday, testified in similar form.
He said that Alonso Sanchez had formerly
been a citizen of Mexico, hut that for a long
time his house had been empty and he had
traveled as a trader, and that he was going
in search of something to live on ; and one
Domingo Martin waa also going, who
formerly lived in Mexico, and whose resi-
dence he had not known likewise for a long
time, nor did he think that he had one, be-
cause he had not seen him living in Mexico.
He did not think it would have been possi-
ble for any citizens of Mexico to have been
there whom he did not know, because he
had lived in Mexico during the twenty years
since he came to Mexico, and ever since the
city was established by Christians, and be-
sides, he had been a magistrate for fifteen
years. And besides, all those whom he did
see who were going, were the most contented
of any men he had ever seen in this country
starting off for conquests. After the force
left the City of Mexico, he had been there,
and had noticed that it was full of people
and that there did not seem to be any scarc-
ity on account of those who had started on
this expedition.
Gcnzaio de Salazar, His Majesty's factor
for New Spain, and also a magistrate of the
City of Mexico, declared that the only per-
son on the expedition who possessed a
xepartimiento or estate in New Spain was
248
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THE JOURNEY OP COHONADO
the captain-general, Vazquez de Coronado,
and that be had noticed one other citizen
who did not have a repartimiento. He had
not seen any other citizen of Mexico, nor of
New Spain, although one of the greatest
benefits that could have been done New
Spain would have been to draw off the young
and vicious people who were in that city
and all over New Spain.
Pedro Almidez Cherino, His Majesty's
veedor in New Spain, had, among other
things, noted the horses and arms of those
who were going, during the review. He
had noticed Coronado and Samaniego, and
Alonso Sanchez and his wife, whom he did
not know to be a citizen, and Domingo
Martin, who was away from Mexico during
most of the year. All the rest of the force
were people without settled residences, who
had recently come to the country in search
■of a living. It seemed to him that it was a
very fortunate thing for Mexico that the
people who were going were about to do ao
because they had been injuring the citizens
there. They had been for the most part vi-
cious young gentlemen, who did not have
anything to do in the city nor in the coun-
try. They were all going of their own free
will, and were very ready to help pacify
the new country, and it seemed to him that
if the said country had not been discovered,
almost all of these people would have gone
back to Castile, or would have gone to Peru
or other places in search of a living.
240
HijiNisi i,, Google
THE JOUKNET OP CORONADO
Sorran Bejarano, who had been in business
among the inhabitants of Mexico ever since
he came to that city, added the information
that he knew Alonso Sanchez to be a pro-
vision dealer, buying at wholesale and sell-
ing at retail, and that he was in very great
need, having nothing on which to live, and
that he was going to that country in search,
of a living. He was also very sure that it-
was a great advantage to Mexico and to its
citizens to have many of the unmarried men
go away, because they had no occupation
there and were bad characters, and were for
the meet part gentlemen and persons who
did not hold any property, nor any reparti-
mientos of Indians, without any income, and
lazy, and who would have been obliged to
go to Peru or some other region.
Cristobal de Ofiate had been in the coun-
try about sixteen years, a trifle more or less,,
and was now His Majesty's veedor for New
Galicia. He knew the citizens of Mexico,
and also declared that not a citizen of Com-
postela was going on the expedition. Two
citizens of Guadalajara were going, one of
whom was married to an Indian, and the
other was single. As for the many young
gentlemen and the others who were going,
who lived in Mexico and in other parts of
New Spain, it seemed to him that their de-
parture was a benefit rather than a disad-
vantage, because they were leading vicious
lives and had nothing with which to support
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THE JOURNEY OF CORONADO
When these statements and depositions
bad all been duly received, signed, and at-
tested, and had been shown to his most
illustrious lordship, the viceroy, he ordered
an authorized copy to be taken, which was
made by Joan de Leon, clerk of Their Maj-
esties' court and of the royal audiencia of
New Spain, the 27th of February, 1540, wit-
nessed by the secretary, Antonio de Alma-
guer, and sent to His Majesty, to he laid
before the lords of the council, that they
might provide and order that which should
be most serviceable to their interests.
am Google
American
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With Introductions, Illustration*
i 7 *hmu ,nd Ml P» lam*. Cktk
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FIRST ACROSS THE CONTINENT
Voyage* from Montreal through the Continent
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Oceana in 1780 and 1703
By Alexander Msckenak In In vnhwri
THE GREATEST AMERICAN EXPLORATION
History of the Expedition under the Command
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the Miaaonri, acroaa the Rocky Hon ntalna, down
the Columbia River to the Pacific in 1804-1806
With an account of the Louuiuu Purchase by Prof.
John Bach McMuter, and an Inrrainetion
A CONTEMPORARY HISTORY OF THE
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By Daniel Wm. Harmon, ■ partner in the Northwe
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